WA-08: My Two Cents

There’s been a lot of online sadness in the blogosphere over Darcy Burner’s concession in the race in Washington’s Eighth District, as well there should be. In any other district, I don’t think I’d feel compelled to write add one more post-mortem, but my two cents might actually be worth three or four cents, seeing as how I spend a big part of my time in this district (I live in Seattle, but I spend eight hours a day slaving over a hot computer in Bellevue).

One of the main contentions that I’ve seen elsewhere is that the Seattle Times threw the election with its last minute hit piece on Burner’s academic credentials. While it was pretty lazy, poorly researched journalism and it certainly didn’t help Burner’s cause (although their subsequent follow-up article about Reichert’s own rather underwhelming academic background may actually have helped her), I can’t see this having turned the election. In my gut, it seems more like something that turned quickly into the usual ‘he said, she said’ noise that dominates horse-race coverage and riles up the partisans but whooshes right past low-information voters. It may have been the decisive moment for a few undecideds, but I can’t see it making 8,000 votes worth of difference.

Beyond my gut, there’s also the matter that the numbers for this race right now are almost identical to those from two years ago (51.5-48.5) despite the injection of a lot more voters in a presidential year. It doesn’t seem like the needle moved much over two years… which to me suggests that the ‘lack of [elective] experience’ meme, which did Burner in last time, continued to be top-of-mind. There’s also the matter of polls: the one poll that had trendlines representing both before and after the Seattle Times story, the Daily Kos-sponsored Research 2000 poll, gave Reichert an 8-pt lead before the story and found the race a tie after. (Granted, there was an economic crisis somewhere in there too, so there may have been competing currents at work.) Finally, in my own experience phonebanking in the days before the election, I never ran into anyone who said the degree flap was an issue (although in comments mcjoan claims to have experienced it a lot, so your mileage may vary).

More over the flip…

One other sentiment I saw a lot in comments on this race is that it’s just a hard district for Democrats. Again, I’d have to disagree with that; it’s a D+2.3 district, and as we saw a few days ago, this is the fourth most Democratic-leaning district in the country that still has a Republican representative. What we have here is an opponent who is unusually well-tailored for the district instead. My sense is that there are at least three different mini-districts competing in this district: Bellevue, which is increasingly diverse and full of younger tech professionals (and becoming more liberal, like many other 50s-era inner-ring suburbs); further out suburbs like Sammamish and Issaquah which are more dominated by older, more economically conservative voters (many of whom are probably voted for Obama, but are ticket-splitters who remember the once-dominant northwestern moderate Republicanism and will opt for someone who promises to restore that); and the rural/exurban reaches of the district, which tend to be more right-wing, albeit in a backwoodsy libertarian/leave-me-alone way.

Reichert’s unusual skill is that he manages to appeal to two of those camps: he’s macho and law-and-order enough to appeal to the rural areas (and more blue-collar suburbs built around Boeing machinists, like Auburn, where Reichert is originally from)… but he also has the moderate, bipartisan Dan Evans-Republican schtick (in part from his many years as King County Sheriff, a nonpartisan position where he seemed to get along well enough with the county’s Democratic leadership) that appeals to the older suburbanites. Burner obviously plays well to the other younger, techy part of the district, but that’s about it.

For 2010, there are several state legislators in the district who might be better at taking the fight onto Reichert’s turf. State senators Rodney Tom (who started to explore running in the primary this year, but quickly jumped out when overwhelmed by Burner’s national fundraising capacity) and Fred Jarrett both seem to have more appeal to the economically conservative but socially tolerant and pro-environment ticket-splitting types who used to dominate this district. In fact, they both started out in the State House as moderate Republicans, and have been pretty solidly progressive since switching parties once the magnitude of how insane Republican leadership has become in the Bush years became apparent to them. I think many residents of this district would identify with that evolution and would tend to view that as sensible rather than opportunism or flip-flopping. State representative Chris Hurst, on the other hand, is a veteran and a resident of the district’s rural southern end; he would play stronger in Reichert’s strongest turf and counteract Reichert’s own tough-guy image.

Which isn’t to say that Burner should disappear; far from it. If she’s really serious about elective office, she needs to start a little down the totem pole and build the legislative resume and local connections there… and there are still a few Republicans representing the Eastside in the state legislature who need to be eradicated. Unfortunately, her old house was located in the 45th LD, which currently elects all Democrats. However, I assume she’s in the market for a new house, and she might move a mile down the road to the 5th LD, which is further out in the sticks and still elects all Republicans, but rapidly filling in with suburban development. Unfortunately, she’d need to wait another 4 years to take on state senator Cheryl Pflug, but in two years she can take on representative Glenn Anderson, who just squeaked by (51-49) against some guy I’ve never heard of (David Spring). Or alternately, she’s in King County Council District 3, which is represented by moderate Republican Kathy Lambert, up for re-election in 2009. Either way, with her name rec and fundraising abilities, it would be an easier way to get her foot in the electoral door, and I think many voters for whom the ‘experience’ meme worked against her would actually be happy to see her reaffirm her commitment to public service, if at a lower pay grade.

(Unfortunately, there’s a possibility that by the time she cut her teeth some more, WA-08 would already be filled by another Democrat. One other possibility is that Washington may gain a 10th House seat after the 2010 census, in which case a new seat would probably include part of WA-08, which is one of the state’s fastest growing areas, so she might keep that in mind.)

Republicans Left in Blue Districts

The 2006 election left a lot of unfinished business: a number of Republicans in Dem-friendly districts who survived strong challenges and got a two-year grace period. The 2008 saw another swath cut through these folks, but there are still some left to be picked off, so this list should give us an idea of where to train our fire in 2010 (and also where to expect retirements). Here are the top 10 most Democratic-leaning districts, rated by current PVI (note that PVIs will change soon, once clearer presidential numbers by district are released) represented by Republicans, before and after this week.

110th Congress Rep. PVI 111th Congress Rep. PVI
DE-AL Castle D+6.5 DE-AL Castle D+6.5
CT-04 Shays D+5.4 NJ-02 LoBiondo D+4.0
NJ-02 LoBiondo D+4.0 IL-10 Kirk D+3.6
IL-10 Kirk D+3.6 WA-08 Reichert (?) D+2.3
NY-25 Walsh D+3.4 PA-06 Gerlach D+2.2
NJ-03 Saxton D+3.3 NY-03 King D+2.1
NM-01 Wilson D+2.4 PA-15 Dent D+1.6
WA-08 Reichert D+2.3 FL-10 Young D+1.1
PA-06 Gerlach D+2.2 IA-04 Latham D+0.4
NY-03 King D+2.1 NY-23 McHugh R+0.2

Note that we’re down to only 9 GOPers left in districts with Dem-leaning PVIs (with the departures of Porter, Fosella, and Knollenberg as well).

Now let’s look at the flipside: Democrats in the darkest red districts. Not as much turnover here, but obviously it suggests Walt Minnick will be our greatest vulnerability for 2010 when he runs against a non-brain-damaged opponent.

110th Congress Rep. PVI 111th Congress Rep. PVI
TX-17 Edwards R+17.7 ID-01 Minnick R+18.9
UT-02 Matheson R+16.9 TX-17 Edwards R+17.7
MS-04 Taylor R+16.3 UT-02 Matheson R+16.9
TX-22 Lampson R+15.7 MS-04 Taylor R+16.3
ND-AL Pomeroy R+13.1 AL-02 Bright R+13.2
MO-04 Skelton R+10.8 ND-AL Pomeroy R+13.1
MS-01 Childers R+10.0 CA-04 Brown (?) R+10.9
SD-AL Herseth R+10.0 MO-04 Skelton R+10.8
IN-08 Ellsworth R+8.5 MS-01 Childers R+10.0
GA-08 Marshall R+8.4 SD-AL Herseth R+10.0

Nancy Boyda was #13 on the old list, and Don Cazayoux was #19. Kratovil and Markey will slot in on the new list at #11 and #13. Also, note that we now hold the 14th (ID-01) and 19th (TX-17) most Republican-leaning districts in the nation. The flipside of that, if you can imagine, would be if the Republicans held IL-02 (Jesse Jackson Jr. at D+34.9) and MA-08 (Capuano at D+33.0).

Post-2008 PVIs (For States)

You may remember back in July I tried to predict how the PVIs of the various states would look after the 2008 election. (PVI is a tool generally applied just to congressional districts, but you can use the formula for any unit of analysis: states, counties, whatever. Click here to learn a bit more about the method of calculating it.) That was quite the exercise in speculation (nevertheless, if you go back to that diary, I was extremely close on many of them… although that speaks more to Nate Silver’s predictive abilities than my own, as I was relying on his mid-July projections for each state, many of which were quite accurate on their own).

Now we have actual state data for the presidential race, so I can return to this topic with more authority. In most people’s minds, this was a sea change election, a total map-changer… but if you look closely at the underlying data and not just the colors on the TV screen, it wasn’t. Most of the states behaved exactly as you’d expect them to, coming in a few points more Democratic in a year where the Democratic candidate performed a few points better than the previous few Democratic candidates. In other words, most states’ boats were lifted the same amount by the one overall rising blue tide.

There were some big shifts and drops, though; where were they? The states where the PVI most notably shifted to the Democrats were Colorado (+3), Hawaii (+6), Indiana (+3), Montana (+4), Nevada (+3), New Mexico (+3), North Dakota (+3), South Dakota (+3), and Vermont (+5). With the exception of Hawaii (favorite son effect) and Vermont (large 2000 Nader effect falling out of the equation), the explanation for these states seems to be a combination of two factors: Obama’s greater appeal (maybe personality-wise more so than policy-wise) to midwestern and western states, and the fact that the Obama campaign actually put a lot of ground game effort into these states instead of treating them as an afterthought. (Like the saying goes, “80% of success is just showing up.”) Interestingly, in July one other state projected to swing big to the left in PVI was Alaska, but that was prior to Palinmania.

States going the other way were Arkansas (+5), Louisiana (+4), Oklahoma (+4), Tennessee (+4), and West Virginia (+3). (A number of northeastern states had a smaller shift, not because they moved to the right, simply because they were already pretty pro-Kerry and thus didn’t move to the left as fast as most other states.) These would tend to suggest that Obama did have at least something of an “Appalachian problem,” or at least that he underperformed notably in the states with a high white evangelical/”American ancestry” population.

State 00-04 PVI 04 results 08 results 04-08 PVI Difference
Alabama R+10 37/62 39/60 R+12 R+2
Alaska R+14 36/61 36/62 R+14 D+0
Arizona R+4 44/55 45/54 R+6 R+2
Arkansas R+3 45/54 39/59 R+8 R+5
California D+6 54/44 61/37 D+8 D+2
Colorado R+3 47/52 53/46 D+0 D+3
Connecticut D+8 54/44 60/39 D+7 R+1
Delaware D+6 53/46 61/38 D+7 D+1
Florida R+1 47/52 51/48 R+1 D+0
Georgia R+7 41/58 47/52 R+6 D+1
Hawaii D+7 54/45 72/27 D+13 D+6
Idaho R+19 30/68 36/62 R+17 D+2
Illinois D+6 55/44 62/37 D+8 D+2
Indiana R+9 39/60 50/49 R+6 D+3
Iowa D+0 49/50 54/45 D+1 D+1
Kansas R+11 37/62 41/57 R+11 D+0
Kentucky R+8 40/60 41/57 R+10 R+2
Louisiana R+5 42/57 40/59 R+9 R+4
Maine D+4 54/45 58/40 D+6 D+2
Maryland D+8 56/43 61/38 D+8 D+0
Massachusetts D+14 62/37 62/36 D+12 R+2
Michigan D+3 51/48 57/41 D+4 D+1
Minnesota D+2 51/48 54/44 D+3 D+1
Mississippi R+9 40/59 43/56 R+9 D+0
Missouri R+2 46/53 49/49 R+3 R+1
Montana R+11 39/59 47/50 R+7 D+4
Nebraska R+15 33/66 41/57 R+13 D+2
Nevada R+1 48/50 55/43 D+2 D+3
New Hampshire D+1 50/49 55/44 D+2 D+1
New Jersey D+6 53/46 57/42 D+5 R+1
New Mexico D+0 49/50 57/42 D+3 D+3
New York D+11 58/40 62/37 D+11 D+0
North Carolina R+6 44/56 50/50 R+4 D+2
North Dakota R+13 36/63 45/53 R+10 D+3
Ohio R+1 49/51 51/47 D+0 D+1
Oklahoma R+13 34/66 34/66 R+17 R+4
Oregon D+2 51/47 55/43 D+3 D+1
Pennsylvania D+2 51/48 55/44 D+3 D+1
Rhode Island D+13 59/39 63/35 D+11 R+2
South Carolina R+8 41/58 45/54 R+7 D+1
South Dakota R+11 38/60 45/53 R+8 D+3
Tennessee R+4 43/57 42/57 R+8 R+4
Texas R+11 38/61 44/56 R+10 D+1
Utah R+22 26/72 34/63 R+20 D+2
Vermont D+8 59/39 67/31 D+13 D+5
Virginia R+4 45/54 52/47 R+2 D+2
Washington D+4 53/46 57/41 D+5 D+1
West Virginia R+4 43/56 43/56 R+7 R+3
Wisconsin D+1 50/49 56/43 D+3 D+2
Wyoming R+19 29/69 33/65 R+19 D+0

Once better county data is available, we’ll be trying to slice and dice this data in all sorts of interesting ways… for instance, trying to calculate PVIs for districts that are made of a lot of counties (but not for ones that are fractions of huge counties, as county data isn’t helpful there).

WA-Gov: Gregoire Pulls Ahead at Last Minute

SurveyUSA (10/30-11/2, likely voters, 10/26-27 in parentheses):

Chris Gregoire (D-inc): 52 (50)

Dino Rossi (R): 46 (48)

(MoE: ±3.9%)

Right after Strategic Vision joined in the party of everyone calling the Washington governor’s race a 50-48 race, along comes SurveyUSA throwing a pretty big curveball, one that shows a lot of last-minute movement to Gregoire.

As with the previous SUSA poll, Gregoire has a sizable edge with early voters, and in this poll, 72% of likely voters have in fact voted… and Gregoire leads by 8 among early voters. Rossi is tied among those who plan to vote at the polls, but that’s no path to victory.

Oddly enough, the Seattle Post-Intelligencer just had a story about how early voting seems to favor Rossi, as the heaviest rates of submissions of mail-in ballots are in red counties. However, their analysis has no way of knowing what’s actually on the ballots (there’s no party registration or Voting Rights Act recordkeeping in Washington)… and this poll, assuming it’s correct, would suggest that the red counties are going more for Gregoire than they did last time. That’s especially because the state’s two biggest blue counties, King and Pierce, are the only counties left that still use polling locations.

SurveyUSA also polled some downballot issues:

Attorney General: McKenna (R-inc) 59, Ladenburg 36

Superintendent of Public Instruction: Dorn (NP) 45, Bergeson (NP-inc) 37

Commissioner of Public Lands: Sutherland (R-inc) 48, Goldmark (D) 42

Initiative 985 (some Tim Eyman-sponsored crap about traffic): Yes (bad) 33, No (good) 45

Initiative 1000 (physician-assisted suicide): Yes 55, No 40

Swing County Project

Swing State Project is a place for advanced election returns watchers, so here’s a tool for those who want to delve a little more into the nuts and bolts of what’s happening at the county level as swing state returns come trickling in, rather than just relying on the statewide numbers. The focus is on states with competitive senate or governor’s races, but there are also a few presidential swing states thrown in as well. Bookmark it or print it for easy reference tomorrow!

What I’ve done is start with the 2004 presidential numbers and look at all the counties that comprised 1% or more of the state’s votes (so that you aren’t spending your time worrying about 50/50 counties that turn out to only have a few thousand people in them). I’ve added (or subtracted) from those numbers to find where we need to be in each county to get over 50% on a statewide basis (regardless of whether you’re looking at these states in terms of the presidential race or another close statewide race). The assumption is that each states’ counties form a pretty consistent left-to-right spectrum no matter what the race is.

A few caveats: I didn’t want to spend weeks on this project, so these numbers presume essentially the same model as 2004 and push the percentages in exactly the same way in each county. Obviously, there are going to be some differences from that. Take Colorado, for instance. We can probably bank on increased African-American turnout in Denver, and increased young voter turnout in Boulder and Ft. Collins (Larimer County), which may express itself both as a greater Dem percentage gain than other counties and as a higher percentage of the total state tally. We also should factor in that disproportionately more growth in the last four years in Colorado has occurred in red counties (especially booming Douglas and Weld Counties), meaning those counties may also be a higher percentage of the total state… but we should also account for the fact that as suburban ripples spread out into exurban counties, they also tend to get bluer. Unfortunately, you’ll need to put on your political geography expert hats and make any of those mental adjustments yourselves.

Also, for statewide (governor or senator) races, assume that there might be regional concentrations in favor of particular candidates (i.e. the part of the state they’re from and where they know everybody… for example, look for Kay Hagan to overperform in Guilford County or Gordon Smith to overperform in Umatilla County). So what happens tomorrow won’t necessarily mirror my numbers (especially since in many places we’ll be easily exceeding 50%); they aren’t projections as much as just benchmarks on where we need to be at a minimum in order to win.

Colorado

County % of 2004
statewide vote
What we need to
break 50% statewide
2004 Pres.
Statewide 100.0 50/49 47/52
Jefferson 12.7 50/49 47/52
El Paso 11.3 35/64 32/67
Denver 11.2 73/26 70/29
Arapahoe 10.9 50/48 47/51
Boulder 7.5 69/29 66/32
Larimer 6.9 50/49 47/52
Adams 6.4 54/45 51/48
Douglas 5.7 36/64 33/67
Weld 4.2 39/60 36/63
Pueblo 3.2 56/43 53/46
Mesa 2.9 35/64 32/67
La Plata 1.2 56/43 53/46
Broomfield 1.1 50/49 47/52

Much more over the flip…

Florida

County % of 2004
statewide vote
What we need to
break 50% statewide
2004 Pres.
Statewide 100.0 50/49 47/52
Miami-Dade 10.2 56/44 53/47
Broward 9.3 67/32 64/35
Palm Beach 7.2 63/36 60/39
Hillsborough 6.1 49/50 46/53
Pinellas 6.0 53/47 50/50
Orange 5.1 53/47 50/50
Duval 5.0 45/55 42/58
Brevard 3.5 45/55 42/58
Lee 3.2 42/57 39/60
Volusia 3.0 53/46 50/49
Polk 2.8 44/56 41/59
Sarasota 2.6 48/51 45/54
Pasco 2.5 47/51 44/54
Seminole 2.4 44/55 41/58
Manatee 1.9 46/54 43/57
Escambia 1.9 37/62 34/65
Marion 1.8 44/55 41/58
Leon 1.8 65/35 62/38
Collier 1.7 37/62 34/65
Lake 1.6 42/57 39/60
Alachua 1.5 59/40 56/43
St. Lucie 1.3 55/45 52/48
Okaloosa 1.2 25/75 22/78
St. Johns 1.1 34/66 31/69
Osceola 1.1 50/49 47/52
Clay 1.1 26/73 23/76
Hernando 1.1 49/50 46/53
Charlotte 1.0 46/53 43/56

Georgia

County % of 2004
statewide vote
What we need to
break 50% statewide
2004 Pres.
Statewide 100.0 50/49 41/58
Fulton 10.2 68/31 59/40
Cobb 8.5 46/53 37/62
DeKalb 8.4 82/18 73/27
Gwinnett 7.4 42/57 33/66
Chatham 2.8 59/41 50/50
Clayton 2.4 79/20 70/29
Cherokee 2.2 29/70 20/79
Richmond 2.1 66/34 57/43
Henry 1.9 42/58 33/67
Muscogee 1.9 60/39 51/48
Bibb 1.7 60/40 51/49
Forsyth 1.7 25/74 16/83
Fayette 1.6 37/62 28/71
Hall 1.5 30/69 21/78
Columbia 1.4 33/66 24/75
Houston 1.4 42/57 33/66
Coweta 1.3 34/65 25/74
Douglas 1.3 47/52 38/61
Paulding 1.2 32/67 23/76
Clarke 1.1 67/31 58/40
Carroll 1.1 38/61 29/70
Dougherty 1.0 68/32 59/41

Kentucky

County % of 2004
statewide vote
What we need to
break 50% statewide
2004 Pres.
Statewide 100.0 50/50 40/60
Jefferson 18.8 60/39 50/49
Fayette 7.0 56/43 46/53
Kenton 3.7 44/55 34/65
Boone 2.5 37/62 27/72
Daviess 2.3 48/51 38/61
Campbell 2.2 45/54 35/64
Warren 2.2 46/53 36/63
Hardin 2.0 42/58 32/68
Madison 1.7 48/52 38/62
McCracken 1.7 48/51 38/61
Bullitt 1.6 42/58 32/68
Oldham 1.5 40/59 30/69
Pike 1.5 62/37 52/47
Pulaski 1.4 33/67 23/77
Franklin 1.3 58/41 48/51
Laurel 1.2 34/66 24/76
Boyd 1.2 57/43 47/53
Christian 1.1 43/56 33/66
Hopkins 1.0 44/55 34/65
Henderson 1.0 53/46 43/56
Jessamine 1.0 39/60 29/70

Minnesota

(I’m going to try something very different here; I’m going to set the target at 45%, to account for the Barkley effect, assuming he draws equally from both sides and finishes around 10, both of which may be completely wrong on my partl)

County % of 2004
statewide vote
What we need to
break 45% statewide
2004 Pres.
Statewide 100.0 45/42 51/48
Hennepin 22.9 53/33 59/39
Ramsey 9.6 57/30 63/36
Dakota 7.6 42/44 48/50
Anoka 6.2 40/47 46/53
Washington 4.5 42/45 48/51
St. Louis 4.2 59/28 65/34
Stearns 2.7 37/49 43/55
Olmsted 2.5 41/46 47/52
Scott 2.1 34/53 40/59
Wright 2.1 32/55 38/61
Carver 1.6 30/57 36/63
Sherburne 1.5 32/55 38/61
Crow Wing 1.2 36/51 42/57
Blue Earth 1.2 45/42 51/48
Otter Tail 1.1 31/55 37/61
Rice 1.1 47/39 53/45

Mississippi

County % of 2004
statewide vote
What we need to
break 50% statewide
2004 Pres.
Statewide 100.0 50/49 40/59
Hinds 8.0 69/30 59/40
Harrison 5.5 46/53 36/63
Rankin 4.7 30/69 20/79
Jackson 4.4 40/59 30/69
De Soto 4.4 37/62 27/72
Madison 3.3 45/54 35/64
Lee 2.7 43/56 33/66
Lauderdale 2.6 44/55 34/65
Forrest 2.3 48/51 38/61
Jones 2.3 38/62 28/72
Lowndes 2.1 53/46 43/56
Lamar 1.8 29/70 19/80
Warren 1.7 52/48 42/58
Washington 1.7 69/29 59/39
Pearl River 1.7 33/66 23/76
Hancock 1.6 39/60 29/70

(In another example of how the netroots hate the flyover states, I stopped at 1.5% of state vote share in Mississippi. Lots of medium-sized counties there.)

(I’ve left out New Hampshire because it reports by towns rather than by counties, and that would get a little too complicated.)

New Mexico

County % of 2004
statewide vote
What we need to
break 50% statewide
2004 Pres.
Statewide 100.0 50/49 49/50
Bernalillo 34.0 53/46 52/47
Santa Fe 8.8 72/27 71/28
Dona Ana 8.2 52/47 51/48
San Juan 6.0 34/65 33/66
Sandoval 5.9 49/50 48/51
Valencia 3.4 44/55 43/56
Chaves 2.9 32/67 31/68
Otero 2.7 32/67 31/68
McKinley 2.7 64/35 63/36
Eddy 2.7 35/65 34/66
Lea 2.4 21/78 20/79
Rio Arriba 2.0 66/33 65/34
Taos 2.0 75/24 74/25
Curry 1.9 26/74 25/75
Grant 1.8 54/45 53/46
San Miguel 1.6 73/26 72/27
Los Alamos 1.5 48/51 47/52
Lincoln 1.2 32/66 31/67
Socorro 1.0 52/46 51/47
Luna 1.0 45/54 44/55

North Carolina

County % of 2004
statewide vote
What we need to
break 50% statewide
2004 Pres.
Statewide 100.0 50/50 44/56
Wake 10.0 55/45 49/51
Mecklenburg 9.2 58/42 52/48
Guilford 5.7 56/43 50/49
Forsyth 4.0 52/48 46/54
Durham 3.1 74/26 68/32
Buncombe 3.0 55/44 49/50
Cumberland 2.7 54/46 48/52
New Hanover 2.3 50/50 44/56
Orange 1.8 73/26 67/32
Gaston 1.8 38/62 32/68
Union 1.7 35/64 29/70
Cabarrus 1.7 39/61 33/67
Davidson 1.7 35/65 29/71
Catawba 1.7 38/61 32/67
Iredell 1.6 38/62 32/68
Johnston 1.6 38/62 32/68
Alamance 1.5 44/55 38/61
Pitt 1.5 52/47 46/53
Rowan 1.5 38/61 32/67
Randolph 1.5 31/68 25/74
Henderson 1.2 41/59 35/65
Wayne 1.1 44/56 38/62
Moore 1.1 41/58 35/64
Brunswick 1.1 45/54 39/60
Craven 1.1 43/56 37/62
Nash 1.1 48/52 42/58
Rockingham 1.1 45/55 39/61
Onslow 1.1 36/63 30/69
Cleveland 1.1 44/55 38/61

Ohio

County % of 2004
statewide vote
What we need to
break 50% statewide
2004 Pres.
Statewide 100.0 50/50 49/51
Cuyahoga 12.0 68/32 67/33
Franklin 9.3 55/44 54/45
Hamilton 7.5 48/52 47/53
Montgomery 5.0 52/48 51/49
Summit 4.9 58/42 57/43
Lucas 3.9 61/39 60/40
Stark 3.3 52/48 51/49
Butler 3.0 35/65 34/66
Lorain 2.5 57/43 56/44
Mahoning 2.4 64/36 63/37
Lake 2.2 50/50 49/51
Trumbull 1.9 63/37 62/38
Warren 1.7 29/73 28/72
Clermont 1.6 30/70 29/71
Medina 1.5 44/56 43/57
Delaware 1.4 35/65 34/66
Licking 1.4 39/61 38/62
Greene 1.4 40/60 39/61
Portage 1.4 54/45 53/46
Clark 1.2 50/50 49/51
Fairfield 1.2 38/62 37/63
Wood 1.1 47/52 46/53
Richland 1.1 41/59 40/60

Oregon

County % of 2004
statewide vote
What we need to
break 50% statewide
2004 Pres.
Statewide 100.0 50/48 51/47
Multnomah 19.7 71/28 72/27
Washington 12.6 51/47 52/46
Clackamas 10.6 48/51 49/50
Lane 10.1 57/41 58/40
Marion 7.1 43/55 44/54
Jackson 5.6 42/56 43/55
Deschutes 4.0 41/57 42/56
Douglas 3.0 32/66 33/65
Linn 2.8 37/61 38/60
Benton 2.5 57/41 58/40
Josephine 2.3 35/63 36/62
Yamhill 2.3 41/58 42/57
Polk 1.9 43/56 44/55
Coos 1.8 42/56 43/55
Klamath 1.7 25/73 26/72
Umatilla 1.4 33/66 34/65
Columbia 1.4 49/49 50/48
Lincoln 1.3 56/43 57/42
Clatsop 1.1 53/45 54/44

Pennsylvania

County % of 2004
statewide vote
What we need to
break 50% statewide
2004 Pres.
Statewide 100.0 50/49 51/48
Philadelphia 11.7 79/20 80/19
Allegheny 11.2 56/43 57/42
Montgomery 6.9 55/45 56/44
Bucks 5.5 50/49 51/48
Delaware 4.9 56/43 57/42
Chester 4.0 47/53 48/52
Lancaster 3.8 33/67 34/66
York 3.1 35/65 36/64
Westmoreland 3.1 43/57 44/56
Berks 2.9 45/54 46/53
Lehigh 2.5 50/49 51/48
Luzerne 2.4 50/49 51/48
Northampton 2.2 49/50 50/49
Erie 2.2 53/47 54/46
Dauphin 2.1 45/55 46/54
Cumberland 1.8 35/65 36/64
Lackawanna 1.8 55/43 56/42
Washington 1.7 49/51 50/50
Butler 1.5 34/65 35/64
Beaver 1.4 50/49 51/48
Cambria 1.2 48/52 49/51
Schuylkill 1.1 44/56 45/55
Centre 1.1 47/53 48/52
Franklin 1.0 27/72 28/71

Virginia

County % of 2004
statewide vote
What we need to
break 50% statewide
2004 Pres.
Statewide 100.0 50/49 45/54
Fairfax 14.4 58/41 53/46
Virginia Beach city 5.5 45/54 40/59
Chesterfield 4.2 42/58 37/63
Henrico 4.2 51/49 46/54
Prince William 4.1 51/48 46/53
Loudoun 3.4 49/51 44/56
Arlington 3.0 73/26 68/31
Chesapeake city 2.9 47/52 42/57
Richmond city 2.3 75/24 70/29
Norfolk city 2.2 67/32 62/37
Newport News city 2.1 57/42 52/47
Alexandria city 1.9 72/37 67/32
Hampton city 1.7 62/37 57/42
Hanover 1.6 33/66 28/71
Roanoke 1.5 39/60 34/65
Stafford 1.4 42/57 37/62
Spotsylvania 1.4 42/58 37/63
Albemarle 1.4 56/43 51/48
Portsmouth city 1.2 66/34 61/39
Roanoke city 1.1 57/41 52/46
Suffolk city 1.0 52/47 47/52

Washington

County % of 2004
statewide vote
What we need to
break 50% statewide
2004 Pres.
Statewide 100.0 50/49 53/46
King 31.3 62/37 65/34
Pierce 11.0 48/51 51/48
Snohomish 10.3 50/49 53/46
Spokane 7.1 40/58 43/55
Clark 6.0 44/55 47/52
Kitsap 4.1 48/50 51/47
Thurston 3.9 53/46 56/43
Whatcom 3.2 50/48 53/45
Yakima 2.5 36/63 39/60
Benton 2.3 29/69 32/66
Skagit 1.8 45/53 48/50
Cowlitz 1.5 48/51 51/48
Island 1.3 44/54 47/51
Clallam 1.3 43/54 46/51
Lewis 1.1 30/68 33/65
Chelan 1.0 33/66 36/63

NC-Gov: Too Close to Call

PPP (10/31-11/2, likely voters, 10/25-26 in parens):

Bev Perdue (D): 49 (47)

Pat McCrory (R): 48 (44)

Michael Munger (L): 2 (5)

(MoE: ±2.1%)

The same North Carolina PPP sample that showed Kay Hagan administering the coup de grace to Elizabeth Dole (and a neck-and-neck race in the NC presidential race) also includes the governor’s race and the rest of the Council of State. Perdue has led in most polls for the last few weeks, but this final poll sees a closer margin as undecideds finally commit; both candidates’ numbers have gone up, but McCrory has gained faster (seemingly helped along by a plunge in Libertarian Michael Munger’s support). With the Washington governor’s race close but seemingly frozen in place, this will be the gubernatorial race to watch tomorrow.

Five Council of State races are also polled; it’s a mixed bag, although with a possible pickup at Auditor:

Lt. Governor: Walter Dalton (D) 49, Robert Pittenger (R) 41

Insurance Comm.: Wayne Goodwin (D) 47, John Odom (R) 41

Auditor: Beth Wood (D) 48, Leslie Merritt (R-inc) 46

Agriculture Comm.: Steve Troxler (R-inc) 51, Ronnie Ansley (D) 43

Labor Comm.: Cherie Berry (R-inc) 51, Mary Fant Donnan (D) 44

WA-Gov: We’ve Achieved Consensus

Univ. of Washington (10/27-30, registered voters, 10/18-26 in parens):

Chris Gregoire (D-inc): 50 (51)

Dino Rossi (R): 48 (45)

(MoE: ±5%)

This, my friends, is change you can xerox. University of Washington gets the last word in polling the Washington governor’s race, and rather than make a bold statement like the 6-point lead they saw several weeks ago, they’ve settled on the exact same 50-48 result that SurveyUSA and Rasmussen reported last week. (Strategic Vision, always the unpredictable rogues, went with 49-47 instead.) Unsurprisingly, the final Pollster composite for this race is 50-48.

Ordinarily, a 2-point lead going into election day would be ominous, but given how flat the trendlines have been all year and how dug-in voters’ heels seem to be, Gregoire can probably start breathing a little easier. As a bonus, Obama leads McCain 51-39 in the same sample.  

GA-Sen: Let’s Get Ready to Runoff!!!

PPP (10/31-11/2, likely voters, no trendlines):

Jim Martin (D): 46

Saxby Chambliss (R-inc): 48

Allen Buckley (L): 4

(MoE: ±2.8%)

SurveyUSA for WMAZ (10/30-11/1, likely voters, 10/11-12 in parens):

Jim Martin (D): 44 (43)

Saxby Chambliss (R-inc): 48 (46)

Allen Buckley (L): 5 (6)

(MoE: ±3.8%)

Two new polls of the Georgia senate race seem to confirm that, unless something weird happens, neither candidate is going to clear the 50% mark and we’ll be faced with a December runoff. The race has become remarkably stable in the last few weeks, with Martin never leading but almost always within a few points.

There’s a fierce race at the top of the ticket, too; PPP’s first poll of Georgia also finds Obama trailing only 50-48 (with Barr picking up a measly 2%), but with Obama leading 52-47 among early voters. SurveyUSA finds McCain up 52-45.

WY-AL: Lummis Pulls Ahead

Research 2000 for Daily Kos (10/27-29, likely voters, 10/14-16):

Gary Trauner (D): 45 (44)

Cynthia Lummis (R): 49 (43)

(MoE: ±4.5%)

This is a race that looks great on paper: Gary Trauner (who almost beat Barbara Cubin last time, helping prompt her retirement this year) is a known quantity in Wyoming, who’s been running mostly even in the polls with Cynthia Lummis, and now he’s getting a good amount of DCCC IEs to go with his netroots money, enough to recently boost this race to Lean Republican. However, we might be seeing a bit of what we’ve been worried about here at SSP: previously high numbers of undecided Republicans, who seem to be coming home to the GOP in the closing moments of the campaign. If 2006 is any indication, though, Trauner is good at overperforming the polls.

McCain is up 61-36 in Wyoming. There are two senate races, both safe GOP: Barasso leads Carter 60-35 and Enzi leads Rothfuss 62-35.

Ballot Measure Roundup

Here’s one last topic that we haven’t paid much attention to in the last few months at SSP, but is of great importance in terms of shaping policy at the state level: major ballot initiatives and referenda. The use of the initiative is in some places, especially in the blue states of the West Coast where Democrats firmly control the legislatures but self-declared initiative kingpins have well-entrenched operations, the right wing’s last means of access to the levers of power. So vigilance is required… and unfortunately, this tends to be one of the few areas where we’re playing defense these days.

The Ballot Initiative Strategy Center reports that there are 153 measures, including 61 initiatives, on the ballot in 35 different states this year. This is actually down from 2004, when there were 162 measures (including 55 initiatives), a year where, in the opinion of some (but certainly not all), the initiatives made all the difference (via the inclusion of anti-gay initiatives in a variety of key swing states to motivate conservative GOTV). Rather than plow through all 153 of them, over the flip let’s focus on some of the ones getting the most attention…

One striking difference from 2004 is that fear of teh gays just doesn’t seem to be cutting it anymore, popping up only in a few states. The big initiative on this front, and probably the biggest of all initiatives this year in terms of media exposure and money spent, is California Proposition 8. This proposes to rewrite the state constitution to prohibit same-sex marriage (which is currently legal in California, thanks to a May state supreme court decision striking down an older anti-gay marriage initiative). Polling has bounced around all over the place as a blitz of advertising funded by primarily out-of-state money has pushed ‘yes’ (in favor of the ban on same-sex marriage) into the lead in some recent polls. The most recent Field Poll (from today) showed ‘no’ in the lead 49-44, down from a 17-point advantage in September. Troublingly, the majority of those who have already voted or absentee early have voted ‘yes’ (not necessarily what you’d expect, given the large Democratic margins among early votes in many other states, but perhaps explained that many early/absentee voters are older).

The gay marriage issue also makes an appearance in Florida Amendment 2, which seeks to preemptively amend the constitution to ban gay marriage and domestic partnership. This may be a case of overreach in Florida, where many elderly heterosexual couples would benefit from formation of domestic partnerships rather than remarrying, to avoid losing benefits. A South Florida Sun-Sentinel poll today shows 53% support for the measure; however, that’s not enough, as an amendment like this needs 60% support to pass.

Reproductive freedom issues show up in several states. For instance, California Proposition 4 tries once again to impose parental notification limits on abortion access. This measure proposes a ‘judicial bypass’ allowing girls from abusive households to seek judicial permission, but such measures have failed twice before.

South Dakota Measure 11 seeks to resurrect the strict abortion ban that was imposed by the legislature but struck down by citizen initiative in 2006. The replacement for it pretends to be less onerous, with exemptions for rape, incest, and the mother’s health, although exercising any of those involves jumping through multiple bureaucratic hoops. This one will be close: Research 2000 (for Daily Kos) sees ‘no’ (against the ban) winning 44-42, while the Argus-Leader sees a 42-42 tie.

Colorado Amendment 48 paves the way for who-knows-what, by going much further by declaring the ‘personhood’ begins at the moment of conception. This one is turning into a bit of a Waterloo for the anti-abortion forces, as it’s down in the polls by a whopping 68-27 margin. Part of the problem is that many anti-abortion groups like Focus on the Family haven’t gotten behind this, fearing that it goes so far it will be easily struck down by the US Supreme Court and set precedents even more difficult to overcome.

Also at issue is Colorado Amendment 46, one of only a few anti-affirmative action measures pushed by initiative kingpin Ward Connerly that actually made it onto the ballot this year. Connerly’s success at pushing initiatives like this may be dwindling, as establishment figures from governor Bill Ritter to the Denver Chamber of Commerce have piled on against this measure.

On the education front, it’s conservatives vs. the teachers’ unions on a number of fronts; a key example is Oregon Measure 60, an attempt by local initiative entrepreneur Bill Sizemore to impose merit pay on teachers based on classroom performance. A similar measure was rejected by 65% of voters in 2000, however. Oregon Measure 58, also from Sizemore, seeks to impose ‘English only’ requirements and eliminate bilingual education.

Well, it isn’t all bad; there are a few progressive measures here and there. California Proposition 7 is a good example. This measure requires all utilities (not just private electrical companies, who are all subject to this requirement) to generate 20% of their power from renewables by 2010 (and up to 50% by 2025). Unfortunately, this is another race where heavy spending (by state private utilities) seems to be driving numbers the wrong way; while it had 63% in a July Field Poll, the most recent Field Poll sees it failing 39-43. (UPDATE: Several commenters point out that a number of environmental groups are opposed to Prop 7 for being written in a way that excludes small-scale energy producers; see the Calitics explanation. Opposition from the left may explain its sudden decline in popularity.)

The most heated ballot measure in the Evergreen State is Washington Initiative 1000, which proposes to bring physician-assisted suicide (currently legal only in Oregon) to the state. Polls have shown fairly widespread support for this measure, such as SurveyUSA recently giving it 49-32 support.

Montana Initiative 155 is an ambitious plan to provide health care coverage to the state’s uninsured children. Montana has one of the highest rates of uninsured children and big gaps in its SCHIP coverage; this measure proposes to extend coverage to 30,000 kids, partly through an insurance premium tax. Despite the state’s Republican lean, this radical redistributionist initiative is one of the most popular measures anywhere, with recent polling giving it 73% support.

Whew! This barely scratches the surface, but these are 10 of the biggest measures out there. Undoubtedly I’ve left out some measures with some passionate supporters or detractors here, so please feel free to chip in in the comments with what’s big in your state and how the odds of passage are looking.