Who’s the most powerful member of the House? If I told you it was Tim Mahoney, you’d probably laugh in my face; after all, he’s a freshman, and a bit of a flake. Well, if you order all members of the House from most liberal to most conservative (using DW-Nominate scores for the 110th Congress), Tim Mahoney is #218 out of 435. He’s smack in the middle of the House, and the whole thing pivots around him, in the same way that Anthony Kennedy holds all the cards on the Supreme Court because he’s #5 out of 9.
There are several things wrong with my proposition, though: first, 435 is a lot larger than 9, and there are a lot of transitory coalitions that form around various topics, so the spectrum isn’t always very clear. You aren’t even going to get aggregators to agree on who goes in what slot (ask National Journal, they’ll tell you that #218 is Mike McIntyre; ask Progressive Punch and they’ll tell it’s Charlie Melancon).
More importantly, just as Matt Stoller mentioned yesterday in regards to 60 as the ‘magic number’ in the Senate, there aren’t very many votes where it actually comes down to the bare minimum. Even controversial things tend to pass by a sizable margin once the initial haggling shakes out (the most recent Iraq Supplemental passed 268-155, and the FISA Amendments passed 293-129); actual 218-217 votes are almost unheard of. As he sagely pointed out, the key is to build the coalitions and implement the infrastructure that allow progressives to control the discursive arena in Congress regardless of actual numbers so that the progressive POV becomes more of an institutional inevitability.
Nevertheless, some of that sense of the ‘possible’ within that discursive arena is directly influenced by the seat count. Think back to the backstory behind the FISA vote last week: a lot of Dems voted with leadership, but leadership’s hand wasn’t forced by a widespread popular uprising, just by the 21 Blue Dogs who signed the January letter of intent to jump on board the Republicans’ discharge petition. We’ll probably never know who those 21 signatories were (although, given the spectrum in the House, one can assume it included Mahoney, McIntyre, and Melancon), but it’s clear they turned the tide on the FISA amendments. Looking at the pivot point, Pelosi could have safely ignored 12 Blue Dogs (233 – 12 = 221), but she couldn’t safely ignore 21 (233 – 21 = 212).
What if, on the other hand, there weren’t fewer Blue Dogs, but rather more Progressives in seats that are currently occupied by moderate (or, in a few possibilities, extreme) Republicans? If there were only 7 more Democrats, all Progressive or New Dem, then Pelosi also could have ignored the 21 Blue Dogs (240 – 21 = 219). Now, of course, this is pure speculation that only 21 Dems would have signed the discharge petition, but my point stands that it would take only a few more net Progressives to move the core Blue Dogs past the pivot point and thus out of the House’s driver’s seat (or at least out of reach of the steering wheel). In shorter words, the goal for the 111th Congress needs to be: Progressives + New Dems > Blue Dogs + Republicans.
More over the flip (including many tables)…
So the question is: how many progressives (they don’t have to be card-carrying members of the Progressive Caucus; non-capitulating New Dems and unaffiliated types work fine too) do we need to add above the pivot point in order to push all of the Blue Dogs down the spectrum, to below the pivot point? Here’s where we get to break out the tables, starting with where we are right now in the current 110th Congress:
Rank | District | 110th Rep. | 110th Score | Caucus | Bad Votes |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
215.5 | FL-02 | Boyd | -0.198 | BDC | Iraq, FISA |
215.5 | TX-28 | Cuellar | -0.198 | NDC, CHC | Iraq, FISA |
217 | MO-04 | Skelton | -0.193 | Unaff. | Iraq, FISA |
218 | FL-16 | Mahoney | -0.186 | BDC, NDC, Fr. | Iraq, FISA |
219.5 | MN-07 | C. Peterson | -0.177 | BDC | Iraq, FISA |
219.5 | TN-04 | L. Davis | -0.177 | BDC | Iraq, FISA |
221 | TN-06 | Gordon | -0.165 | BDC | Iraq, FISA |
222 | UT-02 | Matheson | -0.163 | BDC | Iraq, FISA |
223 | TX-22 | Lampson | -0.158 | BDC, NDC, Fr. | Iraq, FISA |
224 | AZ-05 | Mitchell | -0.148 | NDC, Fr. | Iraq, FISA |
225 | PA-10 | Carney | -0.144 | BDC, NDC, Fr. | Iraq, FISA |
226 | GA-08 | Marshall | -0.135 | BDC | Iraq, FISA |
227 | PA-04 | Altmire | -0.12 | NDC, Fr. | Iraq, FISA |
228 | OK-02 | Boren | -0.119 | BDC | Iraq, FISA |
229 | IN-08 | Ellsworth | -0.118 | BDC, Fr. | Iraq, FISA |
230 | AL-05 | Cramer | -0.112 | BDC | Iraq, FISA |
231.5 | IN-02 | Donnelly | -0.107 | BDC, Fr. | Iraq, FISA |
231.5 | NC-11 | Shuler | -0.107 | BDC, Fr. | Iraq, FISA |
233 | GA-12 | Barrow | -0.080 | BDC, NDC | Iraq, FISA |
234.5 | CT-04 | Shays | 0.241 | MSP | Iraq, FISA |
234.5 | NJ-02 | LoBiondo | 0.241 | MSP | Iraq, FISA |
As you can see from this table, Pelosi is able to consider legislation without needing to rely on the worst 15 Blue Dogs on the final vote. (Again, though, she’s still affected by what happens in committee and other back-room wrangling.) However, there are a lot more Blue Dogs than that, if you continue on up the totem pole.
One thing worth noting is that 7 of those 15 Blue Dogs below the pivot point are freshmen, indicating that maybe we didn’t come as far in the 2006 elections as we thought we did (many of our pickups were in red districts inhabited by corrupt or incompetent Republicans… 2008 looks to be somewhat different, as a lot of the GOP fruit that outright spoiled has been picked and now the lowest-hanging fruit is mostly in moderate suburban districts, which is what this year’s Red to Blue targeting reflects). Although the pivot point is much better than where it was in the 109th Congress (where #218 was Jim Gerlach, not only giving the Rs control of the House but giving Dennis Hastert license to ignore the 14 Republicans to the left of Gerlach), we swelled the ranks of the Blue Dogs in 2006, so much so that the pivot point is right in the middle of the Blue Dog caucus.
Now let’s look at where we might be after the 2008 elections. I’m going to look at three different scenarios: a pessimistic scenario (where we only pick up 13 seats: the Lean D and Toss-up seats according to Swing State Project), an average scenario (where we also pick up the Lean R seats, giving us 26 seats), and a wildly optimistic scenario (where we also pick up the Likely R seats, giving us 56 new seats). I’m plugging in the new freshmen according to the scores I predicted for them last week. (I also need to fit the three new mid-term guys in there: based on their records so far, I’m assigning Childers and Cazayoux a score of – 0.200 and Foster a score of – 0.300. I also need to give a score to the three new Cuban-American reps, who didn’t fit in my formula; for an easy solution, I’ll just give them each – 0.400.) Let’s start with the pessimistic scenario:
Rank | District | 110th Rep. | 110th Score | Caucus | Bad Votes |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
216.5 | TN-08 | Tanner | -0.230 | BDC | Iraq, FISA |
216.5 | TX-27 | Ortiz | -0.230 | CHC | Iraq, FISA |
218 | PA-17 | Holden | -0.227 | BDC | Iraq, FISA |
219 | CA-11 | McNerney | -0.226 | Unaff., Fr. | FISA |
220 | GA-02 | S. Bishop | -0.22 | BDC, CBC | Iraq, FISA |
221 | LA-03 | Melancon | -0.218 | BDC, NDC | Iraq, FISA |
222 | AZ-08 | Giffords | -0.215 | BDC, NDC, Fr. | Iraq, FISA |
223 | PA-12 | Murtha | -0.21 | Unaff. | Iraq, FISA |
224 | IL-08 | Bean | -0.209 | BDC, NDC | Iraq, FISA |
225 | TN-05 | Cooper | -0.208 | BDC | Iraq, FISA |
226 | MS-04 | Taylor | -0.207 | BDC | Iraq, FISA |
227 | IN-09 | Hill | -0.204 | BDC, NDC, Fr. | Iraq |
229 | LA-06 | Cazayoux | -0.200 | Unaff., Fr. | Iraq, FISA |
229 | MS-01 | Childers | -0.200 | Unaff., Fr. | Iraq, FISA |
229 | OH-18 | Space | -0.200 | BDC, Fr. | Iraq, FISA |
231.5 | FL-02 | Boyd | -0.198 | BDC | Iraq, FISA |
231.5 | TX-28 | Cuellar | -0.198 | NDC, CHC | Iraq, FISA |
Under this scenario, Tim Holden becomes the new pivot point. Although we’re past the point where 21 holdouts can provoke a mutiny, we’re still in the Land of the Blue Dog. We’ve added 13 new Democrats, and the good news is that all of them fall above the pivot point, pushing the list down so that the pivot point is one of the less objectionable Blue Dogs.
Now let’s look at the average scenario (26 pickups, including all of the Lean Rs):
Rank | District | 110th Rep. | 110th Score | Caucus | Bad Votes |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
216 | WV-01 | Mollohan | -0.269 | Unaff. | Iraq |
217 | KY-06 | Chandler | -0.264 | BDC, NDC | Iraq, FISA |
218 | CA-20 | Costa | -0.259 | BDC, CHC | Iraq, FISA |
219 | GA-13 | D. Scott | -0.257 | BDC, NDC, CBC | Iraq, FISA |
220 | SD-AL | Herseth | -0.253 | BDC, NDC | Iraq, FISA |
221 | ND-AL | Pomeroy | -0.247 | BDC | Iraq, FISA |
222 | TX-17 | C. Edwards | -0.246 | Unaff. | Iraq, FISA |
223 | KS-02 | Boyda | -0.239 | Unaff., Fr. | Iraq, FISA |
224 | AR-04 | Ross | -0.235 | BDC | Iraq, FISA |
225 | NC-07 | McIntyre | -0.234 | BDC, NDC | Iraq, FISA |
226 | PA-08 | P. Murphy | -0.233 | BDC, NDC, Fr. | FISA |
227 | VA-09 | Boucher | -0.231 | Unaff. | Iraq, FISA |
228.5 | TN-08 | Tanner | -0.230 | BDC | Iraq, FISA |
228.5 | TX-27 | Ortiz | -0.230 | CHC | Iraq, FISA |
Now we’re getting a little closer to the light at the end of the tunnel. Under this scenario, Jim Costa becomes the pivot point. He’s a Blue Dog, and there are still a few Blue Dogs above him, but we’re starting to reach the bottom of New Dem terrain. Of the 26 Dems we’ve added under this scenario, only one of them is projected to slot in below the pivot point: Paul Carmouche in LA-04 (-0.200).
Now let’s look at the extremely optimistic scenario (56 pickups, including all Likely Rs):
Rank | District | 110th Rep. | 110th Score | Caucus | Bad Votes |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
215 | WA-09 | A. Smith | -0.308 | NDC | FISA |
216 | TX-15 | Hinojosa | -0.304 | CHC | Iraq, FISA |
222 | AK-AL | Berkowitz | -0.300 | — | — |
222 | AZ-01 | Kirkpatrick | -0.300 | — | — |
222 | FL-13 | Jennings | -0.300 | — | — |
222 | IL-14 | Foster | -0.300 | Unaff. | Iraq |
222 | IL-18 | Callahan | -0.300 | — | — |
222 | MN-06 | Tinklenburg | -0.300 | — | — |
222 | MO-06 | Barnes | -0.300 | — | — |
222 | MO-09 | Baker | -0.300 | — | — |
222 | NC-08 | Kissell | -0.300 | — | — |
222 | OH-16 | Boccieri | -0.300 | — | — |
222 | WV-02 | Barth | -0.300 | — | — |
228 | MD-02 | Ruppersburger | -0.292 | Unaff. | Iraq, FISA |
229 | TX-16 | Reyes | -0.291 | CHC | Iraq, FISA |
230 | OH-06 | C. Wilson | -0.289 | BDC, Fr. | Iraq, FISA |
231.5 | IA-03 | Boswell | -0.288 | BDC | FISA |
231.5 | PA-07 | Sestak | -0.288 | NDC, Fr. | Iraq, FISA |
233 | AL-07 | A. Davis | -0.286 | NDC, CBC | Iraq, FISA |
234 | FL-22 | Klein | -0.278 | NDC, Fr. | FISA |
235 | CO-03 | Salazar | -0.275 | BDC, CHC | Iraq, FISA |
236 | NY-20 | Gillibrand | -0.272 | BDC, NDC, Fr. | Iraq, FISA |
237.5 | AR-02 | Snyder | -0.271 | NDC | Iraq, FISA |
237.5 | CA-18 | Cardoza | -0.271 | BDC, CHC | FISA |
239 | WV-01 | Mollohan | -0.269 | Unaff. | Iraq |
240 | KY-06 | Chandler | -0.264 | BDC, NDC | Iraq, FISA |
We’re finally starting to make some progress. Under this scenario, #218 is part of an 11-way tie, but #216 is Ruben Hinojosa. We’re pretty much out of Blue Dog territory here, and the pivot point has started to move into the realm of the New Dems. Unfortunately, we’re also starting to reach a point of diminishing returns here: to bring about a 56-seat pickup, this requires sweeping not only all the moderate suburban seats but also a lot of seats that are more rural and conservative, meaning that we’ve added to the ranks of Dems who fall below the pivot point (18 of the new 56 fall at or below the pivot point).
And unfortunately, you can see we’re still at a pivot point where most of the veterans have voted the wrong way on the most recent Iraq Supplemental and FISA bills. For instance, we’re still a little short of pushing down Lipinski, Kanjorski, Etheridge, Dicks, or Dennis Moore. However, the important thing to remember is that it will be a different playing field: one where, most likely, they’ll be working with President Obama rather than fretting over how best to oppose President Bush. Congress won’t need to act as a brake on out-of-control Iraq policy, and FISA… well… FISA remains a big question mark, but it’s unlikely that Congress would need act as a brake on further attempts to expand the President’s unchecked powers.
Instead, we’ll be needing to worry about whether we have enough votes to overcome any Blue Dog defections from Obama’s agenda. No doubt there will be enough votes to overcome any defections on the relatively uncontroversial stuff (there was only one Dem defection on the SCHIP veto override [Jim Marshall], and only two defections on the Employee Free Choice Act [Boren and Taylor]). But we need enough Progressive votes in the House to push Blue Dog objections to, say, universal health care and more progressive tax brackets, down below the pivot point.
One last Stupid Excel Trick before wrapping it up. This left me thinking of the last time the Democrats had a Congressional majority: the first two years of the Clinton administration, which were a legislative disaster by most anyone’s standards, where conservative Democrats (I suppose they were still ‘Boll Weevils’ back then; the term ‘Blue Dog’ hadn’t really been invented yet) scuttled most attempts to implement anything other than the most incremental change. Let’s take a quick look at where the pivot point was back then:
Rank | District | 103rd Rep. | 103rd Score |
---|---|---|---|
216 | WI-01 | Barca | -0.169 |
217 | TX-02 | C. Wilson | -0.166 |
218 | AR-01 | Lincoln | -0.161 |
219 | TX-25 | Andrews | -0.154 |
220 | CA-19 | Lehman | -0.152 |
Very very long break… | |||
260 | LA-03 | Tauzin | 0.083 |
261 | NY-23 | Boehlert (R) | 0.088 |
262 | FL-01 | Hutto | 0.090 |
263 | ME-02 | Snowe (R) | 0.098 |
(This table doesn’t include 3 Republicans who fall in the gap: Morella at 250, Fish at 256, and Gilman at 258, and 1 Democrat who’s off the chart: Ralph Hall at 272).
If there’s any wonder why Clinton got hosed during his first term, this is it. Even though he started office with a gaping 258-176-1 edge in the House (right where we’d be under the average scenario from above, with 26 pickups), look at the DW-Nominate score for his pivot point: Blanche Lincoln (who now has graduated to the Senate): – 0.161. (And yes, right above her is Charlie Wilson, of Charlie Wilson’s War fame.) That’s a significantly lower score than the current pivot point we’re saddled with (Tim Mahoney, at – 0.186). Remember that these are DW-Nominate scores, which are designed for comparing one Congress against another and measure only left-to-right movement, not the distortions caused by the size of the caucus.
Clinton had fully 41 Democratic representatives below the pivot point, and most of them were more conservative than your average Blue Dog today. In fact, 20 of them were more conservative than today’s most conservative Dem (John Barrow)! (Only 3 of those 20 remain today, and only one as a Dem [Gene Taylor], with two party-switchers [Ralph Hall and Nathan Deal]; other delightful rogues from that gallery include Jim Traficant and Gary Condit.) So, by that measure, consider that we may well have a more progressive House right now than Clinton had to work with, despite the showy seat count in the 103rd (thanks to fewer, but more cohesive, Dems). Adding more progressives in the next Congress, on top of what he have now, will only help us more.
Informative post. I had read how the Democratic caucus is more cohesive now, but this really drives home that point with good info. I never appreciated how far we’ve already come to “better” Democrats.
Wonderful analysis!
Clinton’s extra Democrats were all southern Democrats, and conservative ones at that. The totals outside of the south are even comparing 1992 woth 2006; the South was down 26 (it;s closed with the specials) One of the fruits of Republican districting in the south (and House “pension” changes re: unspent campaign funds)was to replace a very large number of conservative southern Democrats with a mix of rougghly 2/3 Republicans, nearly 1/3 southern black Democrats and less than a handful of white Democrats.
This is very much reflected in your charts.
Btw, some people claim that Steny Hoyer is about as powerful as Nancy Pelosi (I personally disagree). A move towards a vastly more profressive/New Dem structure would cut the legs off of Steny. Who knows, maybe he could be replaced in leadership by a less treacherous sort if we made huge gains. Oh, happy day.
I think the analysis is interesting, but misses the broader point. Legislation now has to satisfy either Bush’s preferences (so as not to provoke a veto), or, if it does provoke a veto, the preferences of the veto-override pivot (the pivot at the 2/3 of the House). So, in fact, the whole thing does not pivot around Mahoney.
In the current context (think SCHIP), the Dems passed a bill that was too far away from Bush’s ideal point where he would have been willing to compromise with some increase in child health care spending. So, with the bill passed, the Democrats proceeded to try to override Bush’s veto. The problem, however, was that the bill the Democrats passed was also too far away from the ideal point of the veto override pivot (think somewhere in the Joe Knollenberg – Vernon Ehlers area – although I’m not sure how they actually voted). So the Democrats could consistently get a majority, but also consistently failed to get the support of enough moderate Republicans to expand SCHIP.
In the current context of divided government, the most important pivots are the President’s and the veto override pivot (which is currently a moderate Republican).
Of course, an Obama adminstration changes the game significantly, because House Democrats will no longer have to deal with a Republican president and Republican veto pivot (the veto pivot will probably become unimportant). In this context, Stoller is right, and the focus should then turn to the Senate, where satisfying the demands of the filibuster pivot is most important.
All those interested should read some of political scientist Keith Krehbiel’s work.
Continuing down Stoller’s line, the more the tipping point improves, it can end up with a bit of an exponential impact. If 15 MoCs need to be swung on a particular bill, it might be tough. But if it’s only 5, you can individualize things and the threat to other holdouts of ending up marginalized long-term becomes greater.
The block of southern Democrats made it virtually impossible for the Republicans to gain more than an occassional majority (very occassional) in the House. Just add 25 more seats to the Democratic total (20 even) and the whole 1994-2006 period where Republicans controlled the House doesn’t happen. Republican policy gains were mostly based on compromises with Tip O’Neill, etc. (who had the southern Dems as an important bloc).
So yes, that was bad. Certainly from my standpoint. Otoh, even though Democrats controlled the House, those extra seats did not push the magic power point very far towards enacting progressive legislation.
due to our demographics. We are generally extremely easy to box into D+10-40 seats leaving lots and lots R+1-5 seats. And then to compound that with the Voting Rights Act, even more screwed over.
The one nice thing when making Hispanic majority seats at least is they lean Dem but many still have R+ PVI’s and are not like majority black seats that vote 85% Democrat.
Imagine the damage we could do in a place like Georgia if we didnt have to follow the Voting Rights Act and we just split the black vote up in Atlanta among all the CD’s around the area, we could probably gain 3 seats right there.
I did a fist pump when I saw the new pivot would be Kirkpatrick (or any of the other ones). That’d be a fine place to be.
Where do you come up with all of this stuff? I may have to steal an idea and expand on it when I do my big American Politics thesis for my senior sem.