With the 2008 American Community Survey data finally available broken down by congressional district, last week I started out by looking at how districts’ population had changed between the 2000 census and the 2008 estimate. Today, I’m delving a little deeper, looking at how the racial composition of the districts has changed.
Let’s start with the districts where the change in non-Hispanic whites has been the greatest. I’m starting with the greatest percentage loss in white population — and unlike the other charts I’m creating today, I’m extending this one to 25 spots and including presidential election data, because, for our purposes, this may be the most interesting and important chart. Not coincidentally, the districts that had the biggest percentage drops in non-Hispanic white population from 2000-2008 also had some of the most profound electoral shifts from 2000-2008.
District | Rep. | 2000 white | 2000 total | 2000 % | 2008 white | 2008 total | 2008 % | % Change | 2000 election | 2008 election |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
GA-07 | Linder (R) | 476,346 | 630,511 | 75.5 | 529,284 | 901,363 | 58.7 | -16.8 | 31/69 | 39/60 |
GA-13 | D. Scott (D) | 295,107 | 629,403 | 46.9 | 236,807 | 785,643 | 30.1 | -16.7 | 57/43 | 71/28 |
TX-22 | Olson (R) | 394,651 | 651,657 | 60.6 | 416,608 | 873,878 | 47.7 | -12.9 | 33/67 | 41/58 |
CA-25 | McKeon (R) | 363,792 | 638,768 | 57.0 | 362,083 | 819,973 | 44.2 | -12.8 | 42/56 | 49/48 |
CA-11 | McNerney (D) | 408,785 | 639,625 | 63.9 | 412,398 | 802,588 | 51.4 | -12.5 | 45/53 | 54/44 |
FL-19 | Wexler (D) | 494,890 | 638,503 | 77.5 | 479,411 | 733,322 | 65.4 | -12.1 | 73/27 | 65/34 |
IL-03 | Lipinski (D) | 445,179 | 653,292 | 68.1 | 384,898 | 684,703 | 56.2 | -11.9 | 58/40 | 64/35 |
TX-24 | Marchand (R) | 415,842 | 651,137 | 63.9 | 402,111 | 772,580 | 52.0 | -11.8 | 32/68 | 44/55 |
TX-10 | McCaul (R) | 431,992 | 651,523 | 66.3 | 522,558 | 955,363 | 54.7 | -11.6 | 34/67 | 44/55 |
FL-20 | Wasserman-Schultz (D) | 426,891 | 639,795 | 66.7 | 376,936 | 672,717 | 56.0 | -10.7 | 69/31 | 63/36 |
NV-03 | Titus (D) | 459,756 | 665,345 | 69.1 | 566,630 | 966,577 | 58.6 | -10.5 | 49/48 | 55/43 |
TX-05 | Hensarling (R) | 466,321 | 651,919 | 71.5 | 449,229 | 733,117 | 61.3 | -10.3 | 34/66 | 36/63 |
TX-07 | Culberson (R) | 439,217 | 651,682 | 67.4 | 429,249 | 751,034 | 57.2 | -10.2 | 31/69 | 41/58 |
VA-11 | Connolly (D) | 430,091 | 643,582 | 66.8 | 432,337 | 758,422 | 57.0 | -9.8 | 45/52 | 57/42 |
CA-10 | vacant | 417,008 | 638,238 | 65.3 | 386,575 | 696,175 | 55.5 | -9.8 | 55/41 | 65/33 |
FL-12 | Putnam (R) | 461,239 | 640,096 | 72.1 | 488,712 | 782,178 | 62.5 | -9.6 | 45/55 | 49/50 |
CA-22 | McCarthy (R) | 426,192 | 638,514 | 66.7 | 440,149 | 768,635 | 57.3 | -9.5 | 33/64 | 38/60 |
AZ-03 | Shadegg (R) | 503,584 | 640,898 | 78.6 | 508,259 | 734,739 | 69.2 | -9.4 | 43/55 | 42/57 |
CA-03 | Lungren (R) | 474,940 | 639,374 | 74.3 | 508,886 | 784,306 | 64.9 | -9.4 | 41/55 | 49/49 |
TX-06 | Barton (R) | 430,223 | 651,691 | 66.0 | 443,892 | 783,790 | 56.6 | -9.4 | 34/66 | 40/60 |
FL-15 | Posey (R) | 497,676 | 639,133 | 77.9 | 541,878 | 790,487 | 68.5 | -9.3 | 46/54 | 48/51 |
TX-03 | S. Johnson (R) | 412,291 | 651,782 | 63.3 | 456,634 | 845,481 | 54.0 | -9.2 | 30/70 | 42/57 |
MD-05 | Hoyer (D) | 400,668 | 662,203 | 60.5 | 380,676 | 741,163 | 51.4 | -9.1 | 57/41 | 65/33 |
NJ-07 | Lance (R) | 511,737 | 647,269 | 79.1 | 477,114 | 682,187 | 69.9 | -9.1 | 48/49 | 51/48 |
CA-13 | Stark (D) | 244,693 | 638,708 | 38.3 | 189,167 | 647,397 | 29.2 | -9.1 | 67/30 | 74/24 |
Almost all of these districts moved sharply in the Democrats’ direction. The only exceptions are AZ-03, explainable by the McCain favorite son effect in 2008, and FL-19 and FL-20, where the largely elderly and Jewish populations were more amenable to Gore/Lieberman than they were to Obama. (Also worth noting; there has been a lot of middle-class Cuban movement to the suburban parts of the 20th.)
Much more over the flip…
If you were to look at the drop in white population in terms of raw numbers, though, you’d get a very different impression. The 10 districts that had the biggest drops are predominantly the Rust Belt white-majority urban districts that were on the list of overall biggest population losses, starting with MI-12 (from 540,548 whites to 458,036), followed by PA-14, OH-10, NJ-09, IN-07, IL-03, GA-13, TN-09, PA-01, and CA-13. GA-13 is the exception here, where there’s some outright white flight going on in a fast-growing district, as Atlanta’s southern exurbs turn into black-majority terrain.
Now let’s take a look at the districts with the biggest white gain, in percentage terms (this time in more abbreviated form):
District | Rep. | 2000 white | 2000 total | 2000 % | 2008 white | 2008 total | 2008 % | % Change |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
NY-15 | Rangel (D) | 106,664 | 654,355 | 16.3 | 147,570 | 671,752 | 22.0 | 5.7 |
NY-11 | Clarke (D) | 140,595 | 654,134 | 21.5 | 175,014 | 663,042 | 26.4 | 4.9 |
IL-07 | D. Davis (D) | 178,144 | 653,521 | 27.3 | 195,024 | 629,923 | 31.0 | 3.7 |
GA-05 | Lewis (D) | 216,674 | 629,438 | 34.4 | 257,072 | 676,513 | 38.0 | 3.6 |
NY-12 | Velazquez (D) | 150,673 | 653,346 | 23.1 | 180,824 | 681,862 | 26.5 | 3.5 |
HI-02 | Hirono (D) | 168,999 | 640,927 | 27.9 | 202,657 | 647,661 | 31.3 | 3.4 |
NY-10 | Towns (D) | 106,746 | 655,668 | 16.3 | 135,213 | 697,685 | 19.4 | 3.1 |
NY-14 | Maloney (D) | 432,312 | 654,165 | 66.1 | 451,277 | 654,566 | 68.9 | 2.9 |
CA-29 | Schiff (D) | 248,857 | 638,899 | 39.0 | 273,625 | 655,941 | 41.7 | 2.8 |
MI-14 | Conyers (D) | 213,120 | 662,468 | 32.2 | 206,024 | 591,652 | 34.8 | 2.7 |
While you might initially expect to see exurbs on this list, they aren’t, by percentage terms, getting whiter (quite the contrary, in most places). Instead, this list mostly shows the effects of regentrification in already-expensive cities, especially in the close-in parts of New York’s outer boroughs. The only exceptions here are HI-02, which seems to be seeing more white retirees, and MI-14, which no one would accuse of regentrifying right now, but where apparently the white suburban portions aren’t depopulating as fast as Detroit proper. (Wondering who’s #11? The district I would have expected to be at #1: LA-02, which experienced some rather abrupt regentrification of its own.)
Also worth noting: contrary to what one might expect, these whitening districts aren’t become less liberal. They all saw an improvement from Gore’s 2000 numbers to Obama’s 2008 numbers (despite the fact that their 2000 numbers, in most districts, were already up in the 80s), mostly because of increased minority turnout in 2008, but also because the early waves of gentrifiers are people who are already quite disposed toward voting Democratic.
Instead, you see the fast-growing exurbs if you look at the districts with the largest white population gain by raw numbers. Not coincidentally, this list heavily overlaps with the list of the biggest overall gainers we looked at in my previous post: AZ-02 (which went from 502,961 whites to 692,633), AZ-06, FL-05, UT-03, ID-01, CO-06, NC-09, NV-03, GA-09, and TX-26. The biggest overall gainers that aren’t on this list are TX-10, which has seen mostly Hispanic growth, and GA-07, which is seeing a lot of African-American growth.
In fact, that’s a good transition point to the districts that had the largest African-American growth, in percentage terms:
District | Rep. | 2000 black | 2000 total | 2000 % | 2008 black | 2008 total | 2008 % | % Change |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
GA-13 | D. Scott (D) | 255,455 | 629,403 | 40.6 | 419,235 | 785,643 | 53.4 | 12.8 |
GA-07 | Linder (R) | 72,962 | 630,511 | 11.6 | 188,302 | 901,363 | 20.9 | 9.3 |
MI-12 | Levin (D) | 77,403 | 662,559 | 11.7 | 117,172 | 621,619 | 18.8 | 7.2 |
IL-02 | J. Jackson (D) | 403,522 | 654,078 | 61.7 | 427,990 | 630,933 | 67.8 | 6.1 |
MD-02 | Ruppersberger (D) | 178,860 | 661,945 | 27.0 | 228,632 | 699,352 | 32.7 | 5.7 |
MD-05 | Hoyer (D) | 198,420 | 662,203 | 30.0 | 263,487 | 741,163 | 35.6 | 5.6 |
FL-19 | Wexler (D) | 37,821 | 638,503 | 5.9 | 81,258 | 733,322 | 11.1 | 5.2 |
MI-11 | McCotter (R) | 23,456 | 662,505 | 3.5 | 63,666 | 737,189 | 8.6 | 5.1 |
MO-01 | Clay (D) | 307,715 | 621,497 | 49.5 | 323,769 | 594,535 | 54.5 | 4.9 |
GA-03 | Westmoreland (R) | 119,766 | 630,052 | 19.0 | 189,706 | 795,402 | 23.9 | 4.8 |
The main story here seems to be African-Americans moving out of the cities and into the suburbs. It’s most pronounced in the Atlanta area, where, interestingly, Atlanta itself is becoming whiter (see GA-05 above), while much of the suburban growth is driven by African-Americans. It’s also quite noticeable in the Detroit area, where there’s a lot of fleeing Detroit’s economic ruins across the city lines into the adjacent 11th and 12th.
The list isn’t much different if you go purely by African-American numeric gains. The big gainers are: GA-13, GA-07, GA-03, MD-05, NC-09, MD-02, TX-22, TX-10, GA-11, and FL-19. The exceptions tend to be growth engines like NC-09 and TX-10 where a lot of everybody is moving there.
Now let’s look at the districts with the largest decrease in African-American population, percentagewise:
District | Rep. | 2000 black | 2000 total | 2000 % | 2008 black | 2008 total | 2008 % | % Change |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
IL-07 | D. Davis (D) | 402,714 | 653,521 | 61.6 | 334,138 | 629,923 | 53.0 | -8.6 |
CA-09 | Lee (D) | 164,903 | 639,426 | 25.8 | 125,043 | 623,814 | 20.0 | -5.7 |
CA-35 | Waters (D) | 216,467 | 638,851 | 33.9 | 187,110 | 664,849 | 28.1 | -5.7 |
LA-02 | Cao (R) | 407,138 | 639,048 | 63.7 | 273,006 | 469,262 | 58.2 | -5.5 |
GA-05 | Lewis (D) | 350,940 | 629,438 | 55.8 | 342,289 | 676,513 | 50.6 | -5.2 |
NY-11 | Clarke (D) | 379,017 | 654,134 | 57.9 | 358,753 | 663,042 | 54.1 | -3.8 |
NY-15 | Rangel (D) | 198,915 | 654,355 | 30.4 | 183,251 | 671,752 | 27.3 | -3.1 |
IL-01 | Rush (D) | 424,430 | 654,203 | 64.9 | 383,734 | 620,843 | 61.8 | -3.1 |
MD-04 | Edwards (D) | 374,755 | 661,651 | 56.6 | 364,985 | 679,854 | 53.7 | -3.0 |
CA-33 | Watson (D) | 189,855 | 638,655 | 29.7 | 175,150 | 651,169 | 26.9 | -2.8 |
This list, not so different from the list of white-gaining regentrifiying districts. There are also some districts where Hispanics are replacing blacks (CA-09, CA-35, and maybe counterintuitively, MD-04).
In terms of raw numbers, the biggest African-American drop in population is, no surprise, LA-02 (from 407,138 to 273,006), followed by IL-07, MI-13, MI-14, PA-02, IL-01, CA-09, CA-35, OH-11, and NY-11. (This includes districts like MI-13 and OH-11 where everyone of all races is leaving, at an equal rate.)
Now let’s turn to the largest percentage increases in Asian populations:
District | Rep. | 2000 white | 2000 total | 2000 % | 2008 white | 2008 total | 2008 % | % Change |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
CA-15 | Honda (D) | 187,198 | 639,090 | 29.3 | 244,744 | 671,729 | 36.4 | 7.1 |
CA-13 | Stark (D) | 179,681 | 638,708 | 28.1 | 226,018 | 647,397 | 34.9 | 6.8 |
NY-06 | Meeks (D) | 60,954 | 654,946 | 9.3 | 101,454 | 686,631 | 14.8 | 5.5 |
NY-05 | Ackerman (D) | 159,491 | 654,253 | 24.4 | 198,345 | 669,591 | 29.6 | 5.2 |
CA-14 | Eshoo (D) | 102,430 | 639,953 | 16.0 | 138,389 | 653,246 | 21.2 | 5.2 |
CA-11 | McNerney (D) | 55,895 | 639,625 | 8.7 | 109,743 | 802,588 | 13.7 | 4.9 |
CA-48 | Campbell (R) | 80,095 | 638,848 | 12.5 | 121,002 | 721,557 | 16.8 | 4.2 |
VA-10 | Wolf (R) | 41,846 | 643,714 | 6.5 | 85,787 | 805,507 | 10.7 | 4.1 |
NJ-07 | Lance (R) | 52,965 | 647,269 | 8.2 | 83,234 | 682,187 | 12.2 | 4.0 |
TX-22 | Olson (R) | 50,459 | 651,657 | 7.7 | 102,261 | 873,878 | 11.7 | 4.0 |
There are two separate categories here: Democratic areas in the Bay Area (including CA-13, which between 2000 and 2008 moved from a white plurality to an Asian plurality) and Queens, and traditionally Republican districts in affluent suburbs — all of which, except for NJ-07, experienced a significant fall-off in Republican numbers in 2008.
In terms of biggest gains by the raw numbers, the biggest Asian gains were in CA-15 (a gain of 57,000), CA-11, TX-22, CA-13, VA-10, TX-03, WA-08, NV-03, CA-48, and GA-07. TX-03, NV-03, and GA-07 are all high on the list of districts with the greatest white losses by percentage, and while WA-08 is still pretty white, it’s a district that’s nevertheless trending in our direction as well.
There are very few districts that are losing Asian populations, either in percentage or raw numbers, so it doesn’t really merit another table. The biggest losers by percentage are HI-01 (-3.7%, from 53.5 to 49.8 — with the replacements pretty evenly distributed among whites, Hispanics, and “two or more races,” which is a huge category in Hawaii compared with the rest of the nation), HI-02, MN-05, TX-09, GA-04, WA-07, CA-18, TX-29, and LA-03. The biggest losers by raw numbers are MN-05 (31,780 to 23,662, presumably indicating Minneapolis’s large Hmong population moving out to the suburbs), HI-01, HI-02, GA-04, TX-09, WA-07, LA-03, TX-29, TX-11, and MI-13.
Finally, let’s look at the districts with the biggest percentage-wise gains among Hispanics:
District | Rep. | 2000 white | 2000 total | 2000 % | 2008 white | 2008 total | 2008 % | % Change |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
IL-03 | Lipinski (D) | 139,268 | 653,292 | 21.3 | 228,215 | 684,703 | 33.3 | 12.0 |
CA-25 | McKeon (R) | 174,193 | 638,768 | 27.3 | 308,659 | 819,973 | 37.6 | 10.4 |
TX-32 | Sessions (R) | 235,626 | 650,555 | 36.2 | 306,290 | 669,328 | 45.8 | 9.5 |
CA-41 | Lewis (R) | 150,076 | 639,935 | 23.5 | 250,428 | 760,575 | 32.9 | 9.5 |
TX-29 | G. Green (D) | 430,890 | 651,405 | 66.2 | 518,208 | 686,198 | 75.5 | 9.4 |
CA-22 | McCarthy (R) | 133,571 | 638,514 | 20.9 | 231,717 | 768,635 | 30.1 | 9.2 |
TX-05 | Hensarling (R) | 83,113 | 651,919 | 12.7 | 157,312 | 733,117 | 21.5 | 8.7 |
AZ-04 | Pastor (D) | 372,365 | 641,430 | 58.1 | 502,458 | 753,506 | 66.7 | 8.6 |
FL-20 | Wasserman-Schultz (D) | 132,575 | 639,795 | 20.7 | 196,465 | 672,717 | 29.2 | 8.5 |
CA-52 | Hunter (R) | 88,273 | 639,329 | 13.8 | 144,579 | 663,810 | 21.8 | 8.0 |
As you can see, there are some solidly Democratic districts on this list — although some of them have Anglo Representatives who may have to be on their toes for a primary (though IL-03’s Dan Lipinski, targeted by the netroots in 2008, is pretty well machine-protected, and Gene Green sits in TX-29, the district with the lowest turnout in the nation). The rest are Republican-held, and while some have moved sharply in the Democratic direction in the most recent cycle (CA-25, TX-32), others have had only lackluster movement (TX-05 and CA-41). My best guess as to this disparity is that in CA-25 and TX-32, white people seem to be actively leaving, draining the pool of Republican voters, while CA-41 is seeing growth across the boards. Also, bear in mind that Hispanic growth is a slow-moving tidal wave, one that will take a long time to bear fruit (as many are either too young to vote or on the path to citizenship), so it seems likely that, say, Pete Sessions will survive till the next round of redistricting, when he can probably get his hands on a nice safer district with a center of gravity outside of Dallas proper, up in Collin County.
The biggest districts for Hispanic growth in raw numbers tend to be the big, fast-growing suburban/exurban districts with the biggest overall growth, starting with the Cuban-majority FL-25 (398,986 to 565,866). It’s followed by CA-45, AZ-07, CA-25, TX-10, AZ-04, TX-28, CA-44, AZ-02, and NV-03.
Even more so than with Asians, very few districts have experienced any Hispanic losses, either in terms of population or raw numbers. 11 districts had a loss in percentage, and 11 had a loss in actual population (although, interestingly, they aren’t entirely the same 11, as, for instance, in shrinking districts, Hispanics may have lost population at a slower rate than the population at large). The losers in terms of percentage are NY-12 (-3.5%, from 48.7 to 45.2, thanks largely to white regentrification of areas like Williamsburg), NY-15, IL-04, CA-31, CA-08, NY-14, CA-29, NY-08, NY-10, OH-06, and GA-02. The losers in terms of raw numbers are IL-04 (486,839 to 442,423, again indicative of regentrification, as well as a lot of moves either to IL-03 or to DuPage and Kane Counties), CA-31, NY-15, NY-12, NY-14, CA-53, OH-11, OH-06, CA-08, MI-05, and GA-02.
Whew! That’s a lot of data to digest, of course. But the takeaway is clear across the boards: districts where white populations are shrinking and/or minority populations are growing, are mostly seeing Democratic gains. Districts where white populations are growing and/or minority populations are shrinking, on the other hand, still managed to see Democratic gains in 2008. The districts where Republicans actually gained ground in 2008 are mostly in areas where there isn’t much population growth and isn’t much change in the racial composition (mostly rural areas, especially following the line of the Appalachians and Ozarks, but you could also say that same thing about, say, western Pennsylvania or Long Island).
The areas of Latino growth are, I think, the most important part of the story — not just in the heavily Latino parts of the country captured here, but in smaller but significant numbers all over the country (even here in central Indiana). Bottom line — if the Republicans continue to be a party that appeals basically only to whites, they’ll become a permanent minority party. If we can build on the Latino support President Obama got (which, remember, many critics during the election said he wouldn’t!), we’re in a really, really good position.
FWIW, I would expect PA-01 and PA-02 to get less black and more white as Philadelphia gentrifies. Here’s an interesting question: when will the Florida “Jewish” districts give way to non-Cuban hispanic districts? There’s no guarantee that retired Jews will move to Florida ad-infinitum. I don’t think DWS or Wexler are in any immediate danger of a primary challenge, but I also don’t think that they’re in Congress for life–notwithstanding the partisan nature of their districts.
It’s a fascinating thing that the Congressman seeing the biggest growth in black population, David Scott, was recently the victim of having a swastika painted on his office sign in the Atlanta burbs. Scott, a black man, now represents a majority black district he’s too conservative for. That “painter” was out of touch and threatened .
Two key conservadems from Maryland are seeing large increases in black population: Steny Hoyer and Dutch Ruppersberger.
Gene Green turns 62 this week. When he retires or is forced out, the next Congressman is Hispanic. Since House pensions are no longer as generous as they were, I suspect he’ll try to hold on for another 10 years or more.
Texas is now a majority minority state that demographically looks a lot more like California than the rest of the US. Fewer Asians and more whites. But majority minority and not heavily black. IIRC (and I could be wrong) Gene Green and Lloyd Doggett are the only white Democrats in the House from Texas. That’s a fascinating political split.
Played right, it should enhance our prospects in 2012 and beyond.
Small states with one or two House members are generally not too representative of the national population. And they are growing slowly.
Twelve states and DC have 3 or 4 electoral votes. Three are growing faster than the national gain of 8.0% between 2000 and 2008: Idaho (+17.8%), Delaware (+11.4%), and Alaska (+9.5%).
Hawaii is the most diverse state in the Union with only 24.9% of the population non-Hispanic white and 39.9% Asian. That doesn’t cover Hawaiian Islanders.
Alaska and Delaware each have under 70% non-Hispanic whites but do it in different ways. Delaware has a black population 20.9% and Alaska has a large native population. All the others are less diverse and the largest minority in the Dakotas is native American. Rhode Island has a surprising (to me) 11.6% of its population listed as Hispanic.
The District of Columbia remains barely majority black at 54.4%.
Rhode Island is at the cusp of losing its second House member. Its population in 2008 would merit 1.51 House members. Just glancing but Nebraska is likely to lose a seat which would make the Lee Terry seat and its one electoral vote a moot point.
The accuracy or inaccuracy of the Census is a major point. Estimates run millions above the actual Census count and traditionally undercount minorities and poor people. Traditional methods, quite frankly, benefit Republicans big time. No wonder they spend so much effort undermining amy other method. Only a traditional count, for example, has any possibility of saving three seat for Nebraska.
What does this mean politically?
Is there a common voting pattern of Arabs, Indians, Pakistanis, Chinese, Japanese, Koreans, Vietnamese, Philipinos and others ?