Obama/R and McCain/D Congressional Districts in the 2008 Election

This is a preliminary report of the 2008 election showing congressional districts won by a member of a party other than the winner of the presidential vote in the district (i.e. “ticket-splitting” districts that voted Obama-R or McCain-D). I performed my analysis using a combination of factors, most importantly: county by county federal election returns in 2008 compared to prior years, familiarity with the partisan breakdowns of the respective congressional districts (using tools like PVI, 2006 Almanac of American Politics etc) and in some cases, the margin of victory in congressional districts won by the opposing party or where the incumbent held on narrowly. Not all states break down their results by Congressional districts (VA and NE are immediate exceptions), but some states are easier to report absent this metric (e.g. At-Large as well as small states like NH, ME, etc).  

Update: Some posters have noted that I may be wrong about IN-2, in that Obama may have carried it (i.e. McCain may have won 49 seats) while I may have incorrectly excluded MI-11 from Obama’s total (because he dominated Oakland Count in MI). I will go back and check my data and correct ASAP. In the mean time, pls keep firing away. Tks

Update 2: Rechecked the data on Donnelly and have corrected accordingly. Obama did win IN-02, so McCain/D is down by 1. Also, a very sharp poster pointed out Obama won WI-6 by the itsy bitiest margin, which surpised me a lot about that district, so chalk one up for an additional Obama/R +1. Will still look at MI-11 and KS-3.

Update 3: Looks like Mary Jo Kilroy won OH-15, so 111th Congress will be 257 (D) to 178 (R). Basically, the GOP goes back to what it had in Jan 1993. Well…you play the cards you are dealt.

I have been following this metric since the 1980s and even going back to the 1970s, when, in some elections, 40% or more congressional districts were ticket-splitters (e.g. in 1972 and 1984, Richard Nixon and Ronald Reagan, respectively, each, won over 180 Democratic held congressional districts). I am very familiar with the federal voting patterns of many of these districts even after redistricting, but I will not claim that my analysis is 100% correct. I believe I am sure of 90% of them and may be within a few hundred or 1-2k of the remaining 10%. Of these 10%, I included an asterisk (*) after the district number, as noted below, I did not expect would be ticket-splitters but don’t have enough data to say that otherwise (or vice versa)

The more accurate reports for the incoming 111th Congress will be published by folks like Congressional Quarterly or the Almanac of American Politics by Feb or March 2009 at the earliest. However, I did my own analysis and came up with what I believe is close to what the final data will reveal. I don’t believe Virgil Goode can win the recount against Tom Periello in VA-5 nor do I see Carmouche (sadly, since he was by far the better candidate) overtaking Fleming in LA-4 as it was such a low turnout election). Based on this allocation, the Obama-R and McCain-D districts are as follows:

OBAMA/R CONGRESSIONAL DISTRICTS (32 total)

Gallegly (CA-24); Dreier (CA-26)*; Bono-Mack (CA-45)*; Bilbray (CA-50); Castle (DE-AL); Ros-Lehtinen (FL-18)*; Young (FL-10); Latham (IA-4); Roskam (IL-6); Kirk (IL-10); Biggert (IL-13); Johnson (IL-15)*; Manzullo (IL-16); Schock (IL-18)*; Cao (LA-2); Camp (MI-4); Upton (MI-6); Rogers (MI-8); Paulsen (MN-3); Terry (NE-2); Lobiondo (NJ-2); Smith (NJ-4); Lance (NJ-7); King (NY-3)*; LaTourette (OH-14); Gerlach (PA-6); Dent (PA-15); Forbes (VA-4); Wolf (VA-10); Reichert (WA-8); Ryan(WI-1) and Petri (WI-6).

MCCAIN/D CONGRESSIONAL DISTRICTS (49 total)

Bright (AL-2); Griffith (AL-5); Berry (AR-1); Snyder (AR-2); Ross (AR-4); Kirkpatrick (AZ-1); Mitchell (AZ-5); Giffords (AZ-8)*; Markey (CO-4); Salazar (CO-3); Boyd (FL-2); Marshall (GA-8); Minnick (ID-1); Ellsworth (IN-8); Hill (IN-9); Moore (KS-3); Chandler (KY-6); Melancon (LA-3); Kratovil (MD-1); Peterson (MN-07); Childers (MS-1); Taylor (MS-4); Skelton (MO-4); Pomeroy (ND-AL); Teague (NM-2); McMahon (NY-13); Massa (NY-29); Etheridge (NC-2); McIntyre (NC-7); Shuler (NC-11); Wilson (OH-6); Boccieri (OH-16); Space (OH-18); Boren (OK-2); Dahlkemper (PA-3); Altmire (PA-4); Carney (PA-10); Murtha (PA-12); Spratt (SC-5); Hersheth-Sandlin (SD-AL); Davis (TN-4); Gordon (TN-6); Tanner (TN-8); Periello (VA-5); Boucher (VA-9); Mollohan (WV-1); Rahall (WV-3); Edwards (TX-17) and Matheson (UT-2).

Obama will have won 208 Democratic held congressional districts and 32 Republican held congressional districts: total of 240; McCain will have won 146 Republican held congressional districts and 49 Democratic-held congressional districts: total of 195.

A few key things to keep in mind:

Historical Patterns: As has been the case since 1968, but with the exception of Bill Clinton in 1996, the GOP Presidential nominee, win or lose, has won more ticket-splitting districts than the Democratic Presidential nominee. Compared to 2004 when John Kerry won 18 Republican held congressional districts while George Bush won 41 Democratic held congressional districts, Obama did better than Kerry by wining 14 more GOP held districts while McCain got 8 more Democratic-held districts. However, this “improvement” is masked by the fact that Democrats retook the House in 2006 with a 31 seat pickup and appear to have increased their margin by 21 seats in 2008. One way of looking at this data is to see which ticket-splitting districts are held by freshman members and/or which ones are held by freshman members succeeding or defeating a politician from the opposing party. On that metric, only 1 Obama-R district, Aaron Schock of IL-18*, is held by a freshmen and no Obama-R district switched from Democrat to Republican control (i.e. they were all GOP retentions); whereas all but 1 of the 12 McCain-D districts won by a freshman was a Democratic retention (Parker Griffith AL-5 succeed retiring Democrat Bud Cramer). This suggests that virtually all ticket-splitting districts held by freshmen are Democratic defenses. This may be a good or bad thing: good in that they may have a better chance to hold in an off-year election when turnout is lower but bad in that absent the weight of Bush or a poorly run GOP presidential campaign, the GOP may be able to focus more intently on partisan affiliation in these districts.

As for how this portends for Obama getting difficult measures through the 111th Congress, note that just because Obama won a district that voted for the GOP doesn’t mean he can expect the Republican to support him more often than not. For example, Bill Clinton won 50 ticket-splitting seats in 1992 yet not one single House Republican (or even Senate Republican for that matter) voted for his Budget Bill in August 1993; a mere 10 months after he won their districts. A president is only as strong as his popularity projects and seeing that there are now fewer Republican moderates in the House, I won’t be surprised if Obama has to pass a lot of difficult legislation on Democratic only votes.

Redistricting and Partisanship Voting: One cannot underestimate how big an impact this has had on voting results in some districts. This may in part explain why wave elections may be less frequent and evenly distributed across the country than before. In TX and CA, many Democratic under-funded challengers to non-stellar GOP house members lost. In the case of CA, redistricting was a major firewall for them even though Obama, in dominating the state, won 4 GOP held seats. In TX it was a combination of redistricting and straight ticket voting which hurt folks like Larry Joe Daugherty and Mike Skelly and almost brought down Chet Edwards. For Democrats to have a better shot at improving their margins, they have to look at redistricting. I happen to think that non-partisan redistricting using what I call the “contiguous-county rule” (see an example by Andrew White at Albany Project http://www.thealbanyproject.co… would help Democrats (and Republicans) in the long run, but that is a debate for another day and another diary. Suffice to say, had Dems faced districts like that in CA, David Dreier, Mary Bono-Mack (I love this hyphenated name), Brian Bilbray, Dan Lundgren and possibly Dana Rohrabacher would have lost while Nick Lampson and Charlie Brown would have won.

Surprises: I’m not surprised that Obama may have won all but one GOP held seat in his home state of Illinois* or that McCain may have won 3 of the 5 Democratic held congressional districts in his home state of Arizona*. However, a few things to note across the regions:

EAST COAST: Not sure what else is here but suffice to say New England is to the Democrats what the Deep South is to the GOP. Obama’s only weak Dem seats are in NY-13, NY-29 (both of which he lost) and NY-3 (which he won narrowly). In NY-13, I suspect Obama’s narrow loss may have been due to residual racism among conservative Jewish voters in southwestern Brooklyn and unfounded fears that Obama may be a Muslim; NY-29 is the most republican district in NY state so his loss there was not unexpected, but NY-3 was weaker for Obama because he underperformed Kerry and Gore among the white-working class voters in the southern portion of the district where most voters live and with the wealthier and heavily Jewish neighborhoods in the northern portion of the district. In NJ, Obama did win one additional ticket-splitting seat by capturing Leonard Lance’s NJ-7 (which, but for a flawed nominee, was ripe for a Dem takeover). No other real surprises were noted from DE down to MD, though it appears that Obama improved on all prior Democratic performances in MD’s Anne Arundel County, a critical Republican leaning area.

MID-WEST: Obama over-performed Gore and Kerry in the Mid-West not only because of huge margins in the cities but also did very well in many suburban Republican counties that even Bill Clinton did not carry. The clearest example was Cincinnati, OH; GOP counties around Indianapolis and Dupage County in Illinois. However, Obama does have an Appalachia problem (or the other way round) and for the first time since 1988, the Democratic nominee lost PA-12, Jack Murtha’s district (though Obama won Tim Holden’s PA-17 thanks to his smashing victory in Berks County, which Bill Clinton, Gore and Kerry all lost). Obama suffered heavy losses across KY, Southern OH and IN which accounted for McCain’s ticket-splitting seats in some of these districts (Charlie Wilson OH-6 and Baron Hill in IN-9, to mention a few). Yet even though he lost most of the congressional districts in OH and IN, he still won both states. Obama won Paul Ryan’s southern Wisconsin district (which I guess, makes Ryan one of a handful of very conservative GOP members representing a district won by Obama). Michigan was a case where the GOP effectively collapsed at all levels when McCain pulled out (might have happened regardless) and Obama’s coattails probably helped Mike Schaeur and Gary Peters win longtime GOP districts. Additionally, Obama came very close to winning John Kline’s district in MN-2 and Colin Peterson’s in MN-7 but underperformed Elwynn Tinkelberg who narrowly lost to Michelle Bachmann. Finally, while Missouri was not the bellwether in 2008, it was the narrowest state (Obama lost by less than 4k votes). I think he will carry the state in 2012 but 4 years is a lifetime in politics.

SOUTH: This is a tough area for Dems regardless of who the nominee is. With the exception of six Democratic held districts (Kissel, Price and Miller in NC; Nye in VA, Cooper in TN and Barrow in GA) Obama lost every majority-white district held by a Southern white democrat from Virginia through the Florida panhandle to Texas. He even lost the ancestrally democratic AR-1, AR-4 and TN-8. Some might chalk this up to racially polarized voting but that is too easy an explanation. I’m sure some voters were fearful of a black President but those folks just don’t vote Democratic in the south anymore. These districts are populated by socially conservative folks and Obama, at least in my view, is probably the most socially liberal Democrat ever nominated. I think he could have minimized his losses had he campaigned more in these places but I suspect many of these Dems preferred he stayed away, which he did and I can understand why. In any event, only Republican dominated TX and GA will see population increases in 2010 but because these are Section 5 states, I doubt their GOP legislatures can squeeze out that many more GOP friendly districts to pass the smell test with Eric Holder’s Justice Department. However, in the case of TN, the GOP has taken over the TN legislature and Democratic Gov. Bredesen is term-limited so Dems must hold the TN Governorship in 2010 or risk adverse gerrymandering.

WEST: Obama held on to sleeper GOP presidential voting but Democratic held districts like Pete De Fazio in OR (yes, while he is a very liberal his district was a ticket-splitter until narrowly going for Kerry and staying with Obama) and Jerry McNerney’s in CA However, nothing beats Obama’s impressive margins in CO and Southern CA and while he did not win any GOP held seats in the former, his margin in San Diego and Riverside counties helped him tremendously in wining two GOP seats that last voted Democratic eons ago. On the other hand, Walter Minnick of ID-1 is now the most endangered House member and unless he catches a solid break, I’m doubtful he can hold on to his seat in 2010. But if Jim Matheson can survive, there may be hope for Walter, but don’t be surprised if he loses in 2010.  

Future Prospects: The 50 state strategy or what I call “cast your net as wide as reasonably possible” works and I think both parties should compete everywhere as it is good for the American people. However, a lot of these gains and improvements depend on the success of the Obama presidency. More importantly, it depends heavily on Obama defining what a 21st century Democratic office holder should stand for (a la Reagan and Republicans of the 1980s) and showing that those principles will generate lasting results. It also depends on enacting enduring legislation like health care and putting into place long lasting policies that will foster growth of good paying American jobs so people don’t despair and buy into the false choices created by mindless culture wars.  

LA-04: Carmouche Hasn’t Conceded, AP Hasn’t Called It

KTBS:

Fleming received 48 percent of the vote to 47.7 percent for Carmouche, according to complete but unofficial returns. Fleming led by 356 votes out of more than 92,000 cast. Two independent candidates got the rest of the votes.

Fleming declared victory but Carmouche did not concede defeat.

Carmouche said he wants to see what happens when voting machines are rechecked on Tuesday. He said he also wanted to make sure that all provisional ballots — paper ballots cast when there is a problem at a polling place — have been counted.

Good for Carmouche. Right now we don’t know how many provisionals were even cast, and it’s conceivable there might be enough to make a difference here. Also note that the AP hasn’t called the race – they haven’t put that little red check-mark next to Fleming’s name.

Small though it may sound, 0.38% is a fairly tough margin to overcome. But I’m glad to see the Dems making sure every vote gets counted.

LA-04: Results Thread #2

Time for a fresh new thread.

RESULTS: LA SoS | Associated Press

11:54PM (David): In the end, Cao wins 50-47.

11:22PM (David): So LA-02 is D+28 (old PVI). There is no district that is as red as this one is blue – UT-03 tops out at R+26. This reminds me of IL-05 in 1994 (1990s PVI: D+11) – corrupt Dan Rostenkowski got beaten by the unknown Michael Flanagan, who got soundly thumped by Rod Blagojevich two years later. Hopefully whoever beats Cao in 2010 will be a bigger upgrade over Jefferson than Blago was over Rosto.

11:15PM: The AP calls it for Cao! LOL!

11:04PM: Damn, looks like we fell short. Fleming leads by 350 votes with 100% of precincts reporting.

Breaking: Gov Sebelius Withdraws Name for Obama Post!

This just posted in the kansas city star-gov sebelius has withdrawn her name from contenton for a post in the obama cabinet. this is a politican I admire much and has done great in KS. Now let’s hope she runs for senate in ’10!

http://primebuzz.kcstar.com/?q…

In a brief statement e-mailed to reporters at 4 p.m. today, Sebelius cited the state’s worsening budget situation in the wake of the nation’s economic crisis as her reason for staying.

“Given the extraordinary budget challenges facing our state, and my commitment to continuing the progress we’ve made in Kansas, I believe it is important to continue my service as governor of the great state of Kansas; a job that I love and have been honored to hold.  The possibility of joining President-elect Obama’s team is exciting and compelling, but my service to the citizens who elected me is my top priority in these difficult times.

“The good news for Kansans is that we will soon have a partner in the White House working with us as we face our unprecedented economic challenges.”

Sebelius’ abrupt withdrawal even as the FBI reportedly was conducting background checks will surely fuel speculation that the governor did not get the Cabinet post she wanted or was rejected for the Cabinet altogether.

LA-04: Results Thread

The time is upon us.

RESULTS: LA SoS | Associated Press

11:02PM: This thread is getting stuffy — let’s continue this conversation over here.

10:54PM: The last few Caddo precincts are now in, and have cut Carmouche’s lead down to a bit over 1800 votes. This looks like it’ll be very, very close.

10:46PM (David): So 90% of the precincts have reported in Caddo, while about half have in Bossier. Bossier is going 58-36 for Fleming right now. If that margin holds, we should win. If it gets redder, we’ll probably lose.

10:45PM: Eight more precincts from Caddo report, and Carmouche is now up by 2200 votes.

10:38PM (David): Check this out: In LA-02, Republican Anh Cao is leading 53-43 right now. Wild!

10:35PM: It’s all Bossier and Caddo now. 61 precincts left — 37 from Bossier and 24 from Caddo. Carmouche currently leads by about 1850 votes.

10:26PM: 535 precincts in, and Carmouche leads by 3300 votes. However, a great deal of the outstanding vote is in Bossier Parish, which will hurt us. Looks like this could go down to the wire…

10:12PM: 403 precincts in now, and Carmouche leads by under 1900 votes, based on a strong romping in the early returns from Shreveport. Note that Obama just barely edged McCain here, while Carmouche so far has racked up a 2-to-1 lead in Caddo Parish.

10:02PM: Another Caddo batch in, which has completely offset Fleming’s gains from Beauregard and Grant — with 377 precincts reporting, Carmouche is back up by 1700 votes or so. Caddo has under two-thirds of its vote left to report.

9:56PM: Finally, we’re getting some numbers from the conservative Bossier Parish — and it’s helped cut down Carmouche’s lead down to 430 votes with 277 precincts reporting. Still looking pretty good overall, though.

9:51PM: A blast of votes in from Caddo and Bienville, and now Carmouche is ahead by 2400 votes with 229 precincts reporting.

9:46PM: 141 precincts in, and Fleming is now back up by about 165 votes. So far, though, Carmouche is winning a few counties that Obama lost (Bienville, DeSoto, Grant, Natchitoches, Red River, and Webster), and a lot of votes are left to count in Caddo. I haven’t run any numbers, but so far I’d say that this is looking much better than I anticipated.

9:42PM: 102 precincts in, and Carmouche leads by 485 votes.

9:39PM: 83 precincts in, and Team Blue now leads by 450 votes. We’re starting to see some more votes coming in from Caddo (Shreveport, Carmouche’s base).

9:35PM: 64 precincts in (exactly 10%), and Carmouche now leads by about 340 votes.

9:32PM: Geaux ‘Mouche! Fleming leads by just 37 votes with 50 precincts reporting.

9:29PM: In the comments, conspiracy posts some good county baselines. Basically, Obama only won Caddo here in November. So far, the ‘Mouche is winning a few more counties, and running closer elsewhere. 49-48 for Fleming now.

9:25PM: 19 precincts reporting, and it’s 50-48 Fleming.

9:24PM: 10 precincts in now, and Fleming is up by 52-46.

9:11PM: With just 5 of 640 precincts reporting, Fleming leads by 59-39.

IL-SEN: Emil Jones chosen to replace Obama

According to Fox News IL State Senate President Emil Jones will be chosen to fill the next 2 years of Obama’s term.

http://www.foxnews.com/politic…

This is kind of the safe choice. Jones is Obama’s political mentor, he’s African-American and he’s 73 years old.

He probably won’t run for re-election and I’m guessing we’ll see a crowded primary.

NY-SEN: Senator Caroline Kennedy?

I’m SHOCKED, SHOCKED that this story which has spread like wildfire the past few hours has yet to be discussed on the site.

For those who haven’t heard, and according to Countdown Gov. Patterson just confirmed it, Caroline Kennedy, daughter of JFK, has spoken to Gov. Patterson about being Hillary Clinton’s replacement.

I feel like with someone like her in the mix a lot of the things we said Patterson would look for like geography, race, gender kind of become secondary.

Not to necessarily take a position on this, but I just feel like it would be difficult for Patterson to choose someone like Brian Higgins or Tom Suozzo over Caroline Kennedy.

GA-Sen: The Devil is in the Details in Georgia

You may recall that right before the general election in November, I put together benchmarks that selected statewide candidates would need to hit, on a county-by-county basis, in order to get over 50% in closely-fought states. I wanted to go back and see how well this measure worked; Georgia seemed like an apt place to start, not just because it was very close at both the presidential and senatorial levels, but also because a bit of troubleshooting is in order to see what happened with the steep dropoff in the senate runoff. Let’s start with the original table, which contains the 2008 benchmarks (and the 2004 Kerry/Bush numbers, on which they were based:

County % of 2004
statewide vote
What we need to
break 50% statewide
2004 Pres.
Statewide 100.0 50/49 41/58
Fulton 10.2 68/31 59/40
Cobb 8.5 46/53 37/62
DeKalb 8.4 82/18 73/27
Gwinnett 7.4 42/57 33/66
Chatham 2.8 59/41 50/50
Clayton 2.4 79/20 70/29
Cherokee 2.2 29/70 20/79
Richmond 2.1 66/34 57/43
Henry 1.9 42/58 33/67
Muscogee 1.9 60/39 51/48
Bibb 1.7 60/40 51/49
Forsyth 1.7 25/74 16/83
Fayette 1.6 37/62 28/71
Hall 1.5 30/69 21/78
Columbia 1.4 33/66 24/75
Houston 1.4 42/57 33/66
Coweta 1.3 34/65 25/74
Douglas 1.3 47/52 38/61
Paulding 1.2 32/67 23/76
Clarke 1.1 67/31 58/40
Carroll 1.1 38/61 29/70
Dougherty 1.0 68/32 59/41

Now let’s take a look at the 2008 numbers, including both the senate general election and runoff. (I’ve also included the white percentage of each county, as a means of seeing if a higher non-white electorate meant a higher drop-off in the runoff. But, as an indication of how polarized Georgia is, notice how well the white percentage in each county correlates with the Republican share of the vote in that county.)

County % of 2008
general
statewide vote
2008 Pres. 2008 Senate
General
% of 2008
runoff
statewide vote
2008 Senate
Runoff
2007 white %
Statewide 100.0 47/52 47/50 100.0 43/57 62.0
Fulton 10.3 67/32 63/33 10.4 60/40 48.5
Cobb 8.0 48/54 42/53 8.6 36/64 63.4
DeKalb 8.2 79/20 76/21 8.7 74/26 33.9
Gwinnett 7.4 44/54 43/53 7.8 36/64 61.0
Chatham 2.8 57/42 55/42 2.7 52/48 54.9
Clayton 2.5 83/17 81/17 2.4 80/20 24.8
Cherokee 2.4 24/75 24/71 2.4 18/82 83.9
Richmond 2.0 66/34 64/34 1.9 59/41 43.4
Henry 2.2 46/53 46/51 2.2 42/58 61.5
Muscogee 1.9 60/40 60/38 1.6 57/43 47.6
Bibb 1.7 59/41 57/42 1.7 53/47 46.2
Forsyth 1.9 20/78 20/75 2.0 15/85 80.4
Fayette 1.5 34/65 34/62 1.8 31/69 73.5
Hall 1.5 24/75 26/68 1.6 20/80 86.9
Columbia 1.4 28/71 28/69 1.4 24/76 78.8
Houston 1.4 40/60 40/57 1.4 35/65 66.3
Coweta 1.4 29/70 30/66 1.4 25/75 77.4
Douglas 1.4 51/49 50/46 1.4 44/56 62.2
Paulding 1.4 30/69 32/64 1.3 26/74 81.8
Clarke 1.2 65/34 61/35 1.1 62/38 67.5
Carroll 1.1 33/66 35/60 1.1 30/70 n/a
Dougherty 1.0 67/32 64/34 1.0 64/36 33.3

Let’s start with how Obama and Martin (in the general) fared against the benchmarks that I set for them. On the whole, their actual percentages seemed to lag the benchmarks by about 2-3%, which is apt, as they both finished around 47%, 3% shy of a majority. There were only a few counties where they exceeded their benchmarks, and these are also the counties that are undergoing the most demographic change (in a way that’s favorable to the Democrats). Cobb and Gwinnett Counties are two of the four large counties in the Atlanta metro area, and are traditionally very conservative (they were Newt Gingrich’s turf back when he was in the House). But with Obama getting up to 48% in Cobb County and 44% in Gwinnett, they’re approaching swing county territory. (Cobb County is seeing growth in middle-class African-Americans and Gwinnett County is becoming an entry point for many Latino and Asian immigrants.)

More analysis over the flip…

Slightly further from the core of Atlanta are Clayton, Henry, and Douglas Counties, and these counties are being transformed even more rapidly by a rapid influx of African-American exurbanites. Clayton County’s white percentage, 24.8% in 2007, is down from 34.9% in 2000. Douglas County’s white percentage is 62.2%, down from 75.9 in 2000, and Henry County’s white percentage is 61.5%, down all the way from 80.1% in 2000… and that is matched by the double-digit swings in their voting patterns since 2004, and the way they exceeded their benchmarks (in fact, by 7% in Douglas County).

This is balanced by the mostly white and right-wing exurban counties at the northern fringes of the Atlanta area (Cherokee, Forsyth, and Hall Counties). Here, Obama and Martin trailed their benchmarks by the largest margins (by 5 or 6%).

The whitest counties (Hall, Coweta, Paulding) were the only counties where Martin (in the general) actually outperformed Obama, further suggestive of the racial polarization of the vote. By contrast, Martin tended to underperform Obama the most in heavily African-American counties (down 3% in DeKalb, 4% in Fulton, 3% in Dougherty). Interestingly, Martin also way underperformed Obama (by 4%) in Clarke County, not heavily black but home of Athens and the Univ. of Georgia. To me, this suggests that the underperformance has less to do with Obama/Chambliss ticket-splitting than with undervotes (i.e. casual or sporadic voters, probably disproportionately young and/or black, voting for Obama and not voting downballot). There were nearly 180,000 undervotes statewide between the two races (3.93 million total in the presidential, vs. 3.75 million in the senate race).

Now let’s turn to the dropoff in Martin’s performance between the general and the runoff. My initial assumption (and that of many other observers) was that Martin suffered for a lack of African-American turnout in the runoff, without the draw of Obama at the top of the ticket. That’s probably still true, but it’s a little more complicated than that. I’d expect the heavily black counties (DeKalb and Clayton) to have formed a smaller percentage of the statewide vote in the runoff than in the general, but that didn’t happen; in fact, DeKalb County’s share of the vote went up a lot, from 8.2% in the general to 8.7% in the runoff. The percentages of the vote didn’t change much, either. Martin only gave up 2% in DeKalb and 1% in Clayton, while the lone counties where Martin actually performed better in the runoff than the general were Dougherty (mostly-black Albany, downstate) and, again, Clarke (Athens/UGA).

Instead, the big dropoffs seemed to happen in the in the suburbs and exurbs, where Martin’s runoff numbers tended to revert back to very close to the 2004 Kerry/Bush numbers. For instance, out in wingnut land, Martin slipped from 20% to 15% in Forsyth County, 24% to 18% in Cherokee County, and 26% to 20% in Hall County. More alarmingly, the same rate of slippage happened in the more favorable suburban counties, like Cobb County (42% to 36%), Gwinnett County (43% to 36%), and Douglas County (50% to 44%). Interestingly, the percentages of the statewide vote in these counties, as with DeKalb County, went up too (8.0% to 8.6% in Cobb and 7.4% to 7.8% in Gwinnett), suggesting that the reliable Republicans who haven’t white-flighted it out of these counties yet continued to vote reliably in the runoff, while participation by other voters in these counties fell off dramatically.

To me, these numbers suggest some miscalculation at the organizing level… perhaps a focus on turning out every possible vote in reliable Democratic constituencies (DeKalb, Clayton, and Clarke Counties), while allowing other counties to slip through the cracks that people still aren’t used to thinking of as potentially Democratic counties (Cobb, Gwinnett, Douglas), as apparently many young and/or black infrequent voters in these rapidly-changing counties didn’t make it to the polls in the runoff. Not that these missing votes really mattered much in the end — Martin needed to not just match his general election numbers in the runoff but beat them by another 3% — but it’s food for thought on where to go trolling for those last few votes to try and get over the top in Georgia.

OH-15: Ohio Supremes Toss Out Ballots, Final Count Expected This Weekend

Some bad news:

State Sen. Steve Stivers (R) leads Franklin County Commissioner Mary Jo Kilroy (D) by about 400 votes out of about 259,555 ballots counted so far in Ohio’s 15th Congressional district.

But that number is likely to change starting Saturday, when officials will begin counting 26,000 provisional ballots from Franklin County. The Ohio Supreme Court ruled Friday afternoon that Franklin County could not count an additional 1,000 provisional ballots without voter names and signatures on the envelopes – a ruling that allowed election officials to proceed with counting the remaining 26,000 provisional ballots in what was one of the closest House races in the country.

Kilroy still has a good shot at picking this one up (see DavidNYC’s analysis for more), and counting is now resuming on the additional ballots (why they had to be shelved during the legal fracas is something I don’t have an answer for):

Franklin County Board of Elections spokesman Ben Piscitelli said officials hope to finish counting the provisional ballots on Saturday and certify the election on Sunday.

And then, of course, comes the probable recount (automatic if the difference is less than 0.5%), which could begin as soon as December 12th and take an estimated five days. So if Franklin County certifies their totals on Sunday, as planned, we’re probably going to have to wait until around the 17th to get a definitive winner.