Last week I wrote about Where We Can Make the Most Progress in the House, where I tried to measure the biggest probable right-to-left swings that might result from the 2008 election in the House (the biggest one would be swapping out Dana Rohrabacher for Debbie Cook, in case you missed it). In the comments, the question came up of what would happen if I ran the same analysis for the competitive 2008 Senate races.
I have been reluctant to do so, because when I did the House, I relied on a demographic model for predicting which caucus new House members might join and, from there, predicting their likely DW-Nominate score. That just doesn’t work with the Senate: demographics-wise, states don’t break down as cleanly as do House districts. And Senators tend to disobey their states’ partisan lean much more so than Representatives: consider that we have two moderate Republican senators in one of our bluest states (Maine), two populist Democratic senators in one of our reddest states (North Dakota), and the swing states in the middle give us as wide a range of personalities as Russ Feingold and John Sununu.
So, I decided to try a different approach, more speculative than I generally prefer, where I tried to project prospective Democratic senators’ voting preferences by averaging out the scores of already sitting senators who seem to have some commonalities with them. As a vague rule of thumb, I tried to use one senator who had the most in common geographically and one who seemed to have the most in common ideologically and/or stylistically, although these categories pretty thoroughly blended. Here’s a case in point: Mark Warner. I decided he had a lot in common with Jim Webb (- 0.359), a fellow Virginian and someone else who knows how to connect with white working class voters, and also with Joe Biden (- 0.338), another mid-Atlantic senator with a mix of liberal intentions and pro-corporate leanings. Average those, and voila: Warner projects at – 0.349. (Some of my comparables, or the resulting scores, may strike you as completely misguided. This is all pure speculation on my part, so feel free to argue why in the comments, or ask for some clarification on a particular choice. My feelings won’t be hurt.) One exception: if the Democratic candidates have a House record, I used their most recent score from there.
State |
110th Sen. |
110th Score |
111th Sen. |
111th Score (and Comparables) |
Difference |
OK |
Inhofe |
0.766 |
Rice |
-0.392 (Dorgan + Casey) |
-1.158 |
CO |
Allard * |
0.636 |
M. Udall |
-0.375 (110th Congress) |
-1.011 |
MN |
Coleman |
0.178 |
Franken |
-0.746 (Klobuchar + Feingold) |
-0.924 |
NH |
Sununu |
0.481 |
Shaheen |
-0.442 (Leahy + Feinstein) |
-0.923 |
TX |
Cornyn |
0.557 |
Noriega |
-0.336 (Bingaman + Salazar) |
-0.893 |
NM |
Domenici * |
0.281 |
T. Udall |
-0.525 (110th Congress) |
-0.806 |
NC |
Dole |
0.451 |
Hagan |
-0.330 (Webb + Lincoln) |
-0.781 |
NE |
Hagel * |
0.376 |
Kleeb |
-0.366 (Tester + Dorgan) |
-0.742 |
ID |
Craig * |
0.457 |
LaRocco |
-0.242 (103rd Congress) |
-0.699 |
OR |
Smith |
0.155 |
Merkley |
-0.698 (Wyden + Whitehouse) |
-0.698 |
KY |
McConnell |
0.507 |
Lunsford |
-0.168 (Pryor + Ben Nelson) |
-0.675 |
AK |
Stevens |
0.260 |
Begich |
-0.360 (Tester + Bingaman) |
-0.620 |
MS |
Wicker |
0.465 |
Musgrove |
-0.147 (Landrieu + Ben Nelson) |
-0.612 |
VA |
J. Warner * |
0.258 |
M. Warner |
-0.349 (Webb + Biden) |
-0.607 |
ME |
Collins |
0.084 |
Allen |
-0.449 (110th Congress) |
-0.533 |
KS |
Roberts |
0.376 |
Slattery |
-0.151 (103rd Congress) |
-0.527 |
As you can see, swapping Jim Inhofe for Andrew Rice is the biggest gain (probably in terms of IQ points as well as in terms of voting record) even without factoring in that Rice may be more progressive than my score gives him credit for. However, unlike the House, where there are a fair number of opportunities to replace a right-winger with a progressive, in the Senate we’re pretty much limited to replacing right-wingers with moderates, or moderate Republicans with progressives, so the shifts are smaller.
Finally, you may notice asterisks for the GOP-held open seats. I’ve compiled a separate table that doesn’t focus on “progress” but the “what if,” i.e. how big a swing we’re looking at in terms of the potential replacement (each of whom I’ve projected to be more conservative than the guy they’re replacing, either based on their House record or on comparables). If you prefer to swap these numbers in for the numbers based on the retiring senator, this doesn’t change the order of the overall results too much, although it does highlight the importance of making sure we win our biggest races. (Especially in Colorado… Mark Udall is on the moderate side, and hasn’t endeared himself much lately with his Iraq and FISA votes, but he’s way to the left of Allard, and even more so than Schaffer, who it turns out was one of the most conservative members of the House during his time there.)
State |
GOP Sen. |
GOP Score (and Comparables) |
Dem Sen. |
Dem Score |
Difference |
CO |
Schaffer |
0.849 (107th Congress) |
M. Udall |
-0.375 |
-1.224 |
NM |
Pearce |
0.557 (110th Congress) |
T. Udall |
-0.525 |
-1.082 |
VA |
Gilmore |
0.543 (J. Warner + DeMint) |
M. Warner |
-0.349 |
-0.892 |
ID |
Risch |
0.547 (Craig + Kyl) |
LaRocco |
-0.242 |
-0.789 |
NE |
Johanns |
0.399 (Hagel + Grassley) |
Kleeb |
-0.366 |
-0.765 |