NH: Mid-Ticket Closeup: CSP/Hodes v. Shaheen

After taking a look (here and here, on SSP here and here) to see how our two re-elected reps grew in strength from ’06 to ’08, I thought it might be a good idea to see how they fared compared to Jeanne Shaheen, the next step up on the ticket (NH-Sen). It’s an especially interesting question with the first election behind us in many years without straight-ticket voting.

With very few exceptions (Danville, New Boston, and Rindge), both Carol Shea-Porter (NH-01) and Paul Hodes (NH-02) gained higher vote percentages than Jeanne Shaheen in towns big and small, liberal and conservative, rural and urban.

The following charts track the ten biggest percentage discrepancies between Shea-Porter/Hodes and Shaheen for all towns and cities with more than 2000 votes cast for the congressional race in 2008. For ease of use in plugging the numbers into a spreadsheet (full data available here), I chose the lists at NHPR rather than the SoS.  Any mistakes are my own.

Town Shaheen % CSP % % Diff. Votes Cast
Rye 44.2 51.4 7.2 3693
Moltnboro 36.2 41.9 5.7 2967
Greenland 50.9 54.9 4 2227
Conway 55.1 59 3.9 5020
Strafford 50.5 54.2 3.7 2310
Seabrook 45.7 49.2 3.5 3988
Portsmouth 64.7 68.1 3.4 12326
N.Hampton 46.9 49.9 3 2810
Lee 61 64 3 2486

And I’ll throw in number 11 on the list, because ManchVegas is where so many of the votes are to be found in CD1:

Town Shaheen % CSP % % Diff. Votes Cast
Manchester 52.3 55.1 2.8 46268

Now on to CD2 and Paul Hodes.  Even greater discrepancies are to be found in the western half of the state:

Town Shaheen % Hodes % % Diff. Votes Cast
Newport 50.7 59.4 8.7 2845
Littleton 49.9 57.8 7.9 2699
Claremont 56.8 64.2 7.4 5480
Henniker 52.9 59.8 6.9 2405
New London 47.3 54.2 6.9 2788
Pembroke 51.4 56.8 5.4 3580
Weare 43.4 48.7 5.3 4447
Plymouth 62.7 67.9 5.2 3457
Hanover 73.6 78.7 5.1 6912

I’m going to resist interpreting this data too closely, other than to say that it’s clear that Carol and Paul, despite being lower on the ballot, performed better than Shaheen.  There are so many ways to answer why – and some of them non-exclusionary to others – that I’m not sure what conclusions can be drawn fairly.

Factors to consider: John Sununu was arguably a tougher opponent than Jeb Bradley (NH-01), who in turn was tougher than Jennifer Horn (NH-02).  Sununu and Shea-Porter and Hodes were all incumbents.  Shaheen was on the receiving end of far the greatest deluge of negative ads, followed closely by Carol, and finally Paul.

While I have a hard time drawing conclusions about ’08 from these numbers, I will happily draw from them for 2010.  Carol and Paul, by their strong showing relative to a senate nominee with tremendous name recognition, can both point to their results as ammunition for re-election down he road or even a run at the senate.

(Crossposted from Blue Hampshire, because I like to send my geekier vote analysis posts over here to SSP.)

1984-2009: Changing Political Trendlines in 20 American Cities

The 1984 Presidential election was the first in which I tracked regional election returns, so now that we’re nearly a quarter century removed from the Reagan-Mondale election, I thought it would be fun to count up 20 American cities of varying sizes that have changed the most politically over that timespan.  And boy have there been a ton of changes…so much so that it was difficult to narrow my sample size to nearly 20.  The good news is that of the 20 selected, 13 of the cities have been trending more Democratic, and most of the nation’s significant metropolitan areas have trended most dramatically blue while it’s generally small, zero-growth cities (along with large swaths of rural America) that have been trending red.  More below the fold….

Now clearly there are some major metro areas that have trended strongly blue that didn’t make the cut here.  The most significant are the two largest, New York City and Los Angeles.  In the case of New York City, the Democratic Party’s growth hasn’t been as statistically dramatic as many of its peers.  And in the case of metropolitan Los Angeles, the Democratic trendline has been fairly erratic, particularly in the fast-growing Riverside-San Bernardino region which backslid towards the Republicans in 2000 and especially 2004 before returning to the Democrats in 2008.  Most of the towns on my list have experienced a fairly steady shift in the political trendline since 1984.  Anyway, in descending order…

20. Muskogee, Oklahoma….The caricature of Muskogee will eternally be connected to the flag-waving Merle Haggard song of the Vietnam War era, contrasting the God-fearing patriots of Muskogee with the disrespectful coastal “hippie” culture.  At least as far as political affiliation goes, Muskogee didn’t quite live up to that caricature, being a fairly reliable redoubt for Democrats for decades, even “wimpy liberals” like Michael Dukakis and Al Gore who lost Oklahoma statewide by double digits.  But the 2000 election was the last hurrah for Democrats in Muskogee as Rovian culture war politics caught up to them and resulted in a shift of partisan allegiance this decade.  Bush beat Kerry comfortably in 2004 and McCain trounced Obama by 15 points in Muskogee County this year, completing the realignment.  All is not completely lost though, as Muskogee County was one of only four Oklahoma Counties to vote against Jim Inhofe this year.

19. Jackson, Mississippi….Since Mississippi has never been a swing state and thus doesn’t get any serious media scrutiny in Presidential elections, it’s been easy to miss the political transformation of its largest city into a huge Democratic stronghold.  Hinds County, home of the majority of the Jackson metro area, was almost as Republican as Mississippi at large in the Mondale and Dukakis elections, but began moving gradually towards Democrats during the Clinton years and finally becoming a huge Democratic city this decade, with escalating margins of victory for both Gore and Kerry and then a more than 2-1 rout of Obama over McCain in 2008.  I’m sure the black vote has grown substantially as a percentage of Hinds County’s overall electorate, with much of the white vote moving east to Rankin County, which has remained staunchly Republican over the past two decades.  Nonetheless, metropolitan Jackson, MS, has moved substantially towards Democrats in the last quarter century.

18. Columbia, South Carolina…My writeup about Jackson, MS, could almost be cut-and-pasted to describe the trajectory of Columbia, South Carolina, since the Reagan-Mondale election, specifically Richland County, the county that’s home to the city of Columbia.  It started its leftward march during the Clinton years and finished this election cycle going nearly 64% for Obama.  Again, the county that can be best described as “suburban” Columbia (Lexington County) has trended Republican over the same time period suggesting racial polarization is likely in play, but the Republican growth in Lexington County has not kept pace with the Democratic growth of Richland County.

17. Beaumont-Port Arthur-Orange, Texas….The southeast corner of Texas has long been a reliable Democratic bastion, with a fairly large black population working in tandem with a Yellow Dog Democrat instinct among the area’s white voters.  Back in 1984, the cluster of three counties in the state’s southeast corner all went for Mondale, in sharp contrast to Texas at-large and the United States at-large.  The region’s lesser populated counties, Orange and Newton, were the first to transform in the wrong direction, with Orange going red after the Clinton years and Newton barely hanging on for Gore in 2000.  With its larger black population, Jefferson County, the largest of the three counties, has hung on for Kerry and Obama with ever-shrinking margins, to the point that Obama won by merely two points in the county this year.  Meanwhile, Orange and Newton Counties both went for McCain by startling 2-1 margins.

16. Raleigh-Durham-Chapel Hill, North Carolina….The Raleigh-Durham area has always been the most Democratic population center of North Carolina, but the region’s population as a share of the state at-large and its Democratic margins have progressively grown since 1984 (when only Durham and Orange Counties narrowly went Mondale).  As a result, the region is most responsible for rapidly changing North Carolina from a Republican stronghold 10 years ago to an Obama state in 2008, and if Wake County (Raleigh, Cary) continues its leftward trendline, portends an even bluer future for North Carolina.

15. Lake Charles, Louisiana….Two positions up on the list I profiled Beaumont, Texas, and its shift away from Democrats since 1984.  Only about half an hour to its east is another small city in the Louisiana bayou that has become a tough slog for Democrats, at least in Presidential elections.  Twenty-point national loser Walter Mondale lost Calcasieu County (home of Lake Charles) by the slimmest of margins in 1984, but Democrats handily prevailed in three subsequent Presidential elections before the bottom started falling out in 2000.  Republican margins escalated in 2004 and 2008, where McCain prevailed by 25 percentage points in the county.  Race was almost certainly a factor in the size of Obama’s trouncing here, but it’s hard to imagine any Democratic Presidential candidate being able to win in Lake Charles nowadays.

14. Burlington, Vermont….In 2008, the state of Vermont was second only to Hawaii in its margin of victory for Barack Obama and has a reputation as one of, if not the most, liberal states in America.  Hard to imagine that up until 1992, Vermont was the most Republican state in America from a historical perspective, being the only state to never have voted for FDR.  Things changed fast in the Clinton years, and Burlington, the largest city in Vermont (using the term “city” very loosely), is metaphorical for the entire state’s wholesale dismissal of the Republican Party over the last two decades.  Chittenden County (Burlington) went for Barack Obama by more than 70% this year.  Quite a contrast for a place that stubbornly embraced Alfred Landon and Wendell Willkie rather than voting for Franklin Roosevelt.

13. Chicago, Illinois….In 1984, Walter Mondale carried Cook County, home of the city of Chicago and another two million residents of suburban Chicago, by less than three percentage points.  Meanwhile, all of the suburban and exurban counties surrounding Chicago (Du Page, Lake, Will, McHenry, Kane) went for Reagan by 2-1 margins.  A similar, if slightly less dramatic, formula emerged in 1988.  It was a formula in which Republicans were able to eke out victories of narrow to modest proportions in the state of Illinois.  But starting with the Clinton years, the calculus changed.  Democratic margins in Cook County grew, while margins in the suburban-exurban counties began to shrink a little more with every election cycle, so much so that long-time Du Page County Congressman Henry Hyde has his first quasi-scare in 2004.  In 2008, a favorite son was on the ballot and threw the curve a little bit, but the trendline still seems to hold.  Nowadays, the Democratic performance in metropolitan Chicago is so consistently dominating that even landslide GOP victories downstate aren’t enough to put Republicans in the game, as witnessed in 2004 when John Kerry won only 15 of Illinois’ 102 counties, yet still won the state by double digits due to his 40-point landslide in Cook County.

12. Columbus, Ohio…..Up until the last 10 years, the Columbus area was far closer politically to the Cincinnati metro area than the Cleveland metro area, going strongly for Reagan and Bush-41 and even backing Bush-41 over Bill Clinton in 1992, but significant demographic shifts have moved Columbus dramatically to the left, starting with Gore’s surprise (at least to me) narrow victory in the 2000 Presidential election.  That half-point margin of victory for Gore grew to nine points in 2004 and nearly 20 points in 2008, providing Democrats a desperately needed counterweight to the Appalachian region of southern Ohio which has been trending against them in the same time period.  Columbus’ exurban counties remain Republican, but there are signs that margins are beginning to shrink even there.

11. Paducah, Kentucky….There’s a cluster of territory in western Kentucky and southern Illinois that seems to be politically similar, with a long-standing Yellow Dog Democrat leaning that held on through the 1980’s and 1990’s.  Neither Mondale nor Dukakis won McCracken County, home of Paducah, but both fell short by less than ONE-HALF of one percentage point versus Reagan and Bush-41, respectively.  Clinton won there comfortably in 1992 and 1996, as he did in most of the rural areas surrounding Paducah on both the Illinois and Kentucky side of the Ohio River.  But for reasons I don’t really have a handle on, the tide turn dramatically in 2000 and has continued sweeping Republicans into office since by growing margins.  McCain beat Obama by more than 25 points in McCracken County in 2008.  And unlike some other Yellow Dog Democrat regions that continue to perform well for some downballot Democrats, Paducah has turned against the party almost completely, even rejecting Dan Mongiardo and Bruce Lunsford in recent Kentucky Senate elections.

10. Miami-Fort Lauderdale-West Palm Beach, Florida….I tend to consider Florida’s Gold Coast region one single metro area despite the significantly different demographics in the northern and southern halves of the area.  The entire region leaned Republican in the 1980’s.  Neither Mondale nor Dukakis was able to win Palm Beach or Broward Counties, and both lost big in Miami-Dade County.  The area trended strongly blue in the 1990s and especially 2000, where the presence of Jewish Vice-Presidential nominee Joe Lieberman helped run up the score to blistering margins for Gore in Palm Beach and Broward Counties.  While Democratic margins in those two counties have stalled and even backslid slightly in 2004 and 2008, the Miami-Dade area has picked up the slack and continues its 25-year trendline from a Republican stronghold to a Democratic stronghold.

9. Philadelphia, Pennsylvania…..Metropolitan Philadelphia was much like Chicago in the 1980s in that the city was staunchly Democrat but the suburban areas were uncontested Republican strongholds populated by affluent Reagan-era yuppies.  But like Chicago, the last decade has seen the city grow even more Democratic while the suburbs, on the Pennsylvania, New Jersey, and Delaware sides, have become less Republican.  And that’s the only difference between suburban Chicago and suburban Philadelphia.  Philly’s suburbs have not only become less Republican, they’ve become outright Democratic.  This year, with far-flung exurban centers like Chester and Berks Counties in Pennsylvania turning an Obama shade of blue, the realignment has been complete, and necessary to help offset shrinking Democratic margins in the western part of Pennsylvania.

8. Gadsden, Alabama….While Alabama has not recently been associated with significant numbers of Yellow Dog Democrats the way that Arkansas and Tennessee have, the mostly white area north of Birmingham remained strong terrain for Democrats in the 1980s and 1990s.  The most populous county among them was Etowah County, home of the small northern Alabama city of Gadsden.  Mondale and Dukakis lost the county by microscopic margins (less than half a point) but Clinton went on to win twice in the 1990s.  But it was clear by Clinton’s scant three-point margin in 1996 that times were changing in Gadsden.  And change they did, with Bush prevailing comfortably in 2000 and Republicans growing margins significantly in 2004 and 2008, with McCain ultimately prevailing with an astounding 69% margin.  I think it’s a pretty safe bet that Gadsden, Alabama, will not be returning to the Democratic fold in the foreseeable future.

7. Reno-Sparks-Carson City, Nevada….While there has been a tremendous shift towards Democrats in Las Vegas over the past few decades, a more recent and more dramatic political realignment has played out a few hours up the road in Reno.  Northwestern Nevada reliably churned out margins better than 2-1 for Republicans in the 1980’s and continued going red even during the Clinton years, but the first signs of softening emerged in 2000 when Washoe County went Bush by “only” 10 points.  Four years later, John Kerry spent a lot of time and money in Reno to try to turn Nevada blue, and managed to shrink Bush’s margin from 10 points to four points.  This year, Reno finally made the leap to the Democrats with margins so lopsided that it’s hard to believe it was ever Republican in the first place (13 points for Obama in Washoe County and even a narrow victory in Carson City).

6. Denver-Boulder, Colorado…..Walter Mondale got destroyed everywhere but the city of Denver in 1984, but from that point forward, there were pockets of Democratic strength in metropolitan Denver, specifically Boulder County and the northern Denver suburbs of Adams County.  Nonetheless, the rapidly growing suburban enclaves of Jefferson and Arapahoe Counties remained unwaveringly red even during the Clinton years and it was starting to appear as though Colorado would join the rest of the Rocky Mountain West in “safe Republican” territory.  By 2004, college students in Boulder had consolidated behind Democrats in a way that hadn’t been the case in the recent past while GOP margins began noticeably softening in the affluent suburbs.  The transformation was completed in 2008 when most of those suburbs went comfortably for Obama (and Senate candidate Mark Udall), leaving virtually every corner of the Denver metropolitan area except the far southern exurbs of Douglas County painted blue.

5. Steubenville-Weirton, Ohio and West Virginia….One of the most difficult to understand political transformations of the last decade has been the shift of this dying, unionized steel region of eastern Ohio and northern West Virginia towards Republicans.  With the exception of Flint, Michigan, you’d be hard-pressed to find a population center in the country as economically devastated as the twin towns of Steubenville and Weirton, and the locals have responded by…..voting Republican.  I was first struck by the soft numbers Gore pulled in the region in 2000 and thought it was a fluke….culturally conservative Appalachian voters weary of the Clinton years and responding favorably to a “compassionate conservative” from Texas.  For that reason, I expected John Kerry’s biggest growth zone in the key battleground state of Ohio in 2004 would be the area around Steubenville, St. Clairsville, and East Liverpool, especially since Weirton Steel went broke in 2001 and the metro area had the highest loss of jobs of any place in the nation during Bush’s first term.  Boy was I wrong.  Kerry underperformed Gore in the area, and quite significantly.  In 2008, McCain won by double digits on the West Virginia side and Obama held on by a mere 50 votes in Jefferson County, Ohio (Steubenville).  Hard to see how the trendline reverses from where we are now.

4. Pittsburgh, Pennsylania….Most political aficianadoes would easily identify the San Francisco Bay Area as the nation’s most Democratic major metropolitan area, but throughout the 1980s and early 1990s, Pittsburgh had it beat.  Every county in and around Pittsburgh voted comfortably for Mondale and Dukakis in 1984 and 1988.  The margins seemed to peak in 1992 and then showed serious erosion in 1996.  Clinton won significantly fewer votes than he did in 1992 while Bob Dole won more votes than did George Bush in 1992, defying the nation trendline.  In 2000, Gore prevailed by even weaker numbers and lost Westmoreland County east of Pittsburgh, a county that had voted for Mondale 16 years earlier.  The metro-wide erosion continued for Kerry in 2004 and hit bottom in 2008, with Obama winning only Allegheny County in metropolitan Pittsburgh, losing Beaver County where Dukakis had won by a more than 2-1 margin in 1988, and getting trounced by 17 points in the former Mondale county of Westmoreland.  It would appear that cultural conservatism and diminished association with a unionized past is taking its toll in the Pittsburgh area much like the Steubenville-Weirton area a short drive down the Ohio River.

3. San Francisco Bay Area, California….It’s hard to believe that in 1984, only San Francisco, Alameda, and Marin Counties in the Bay Area voted for Walter Mondale, given how lopsidedly Democratic every county in the area is today.  The Bay Area officially surpassed Pittsburgh as the nation’s bluest major metropolitan area in the 1996 election, and the margins have only continued to grow since then to the point that Solano County in the region’s northeastern fringe was the region’s LEAST blue county in 2008.  Obama only won there by 63%!  Meanwhile the core old-line cities of the Bay Area (San Francisco, Oakland) are both supporting Democrats by more than 80% margins and the Silicon Valley regions of the southern Bay Area voted for Obama by 70% margins.  For anyone that may know, is there a single city, distant suburb, or small town in the Bay Area that voted McCain in 2008?

2. Orlando, Florida…..Florida was a very crimson shade of red in the 1980s Presidential elections, but the Orlando area was even redder than the state average back then.  Orange County, where the city and the core of the Orlando metro area are located, held strong even for Bob Dole in 1996 before narrowly making the leap to Gore in 2000, joining Osceola County (Kissimmee) just to its south.  While the area stagnated for John Kerry in 2004, I think its fair to say everybody was blown away by how deep a shade of blue the Orlando area turned this year for Barack Obama, taking Orange and Osceola Counties by nearly 20 points and falling only three points short in the northern suburban Seminole County, a long-standing Republican stronghold.  Considering that Obama’s performance in the Tampa-St. Petersburg and West Palm Beach-Fort Lauderdale regions of Florida only barely overperformed Gore and Kerry, it’s not an exaggeration to say that the Orlando area margins were the margin of difference for Obama in Florida this year.

1. Washington, D.C……We all know that the District of Columbia is the nation’s most Democratic jurisdiction and has been for decades now.  At least in the last two Presidential elections, there has not been a single U.S. county in any of the 50 states that has gone Democratic by as wide of margin as the District of Columbia.  But the real story is the reach of the D.C. area that has already transformed the political climates of two states and could end up changing a third in the foreseeable future.  The state of Maryland was the first to change.  Prince George’s County was always Democratic even during the Reagan years, but nothing approaching the 89% margin of victory that Obama scored there in 2008.  The transformation of Montgomery County into a nearly 3-1 Democratic stronghold, along with the more recent transformation of exurban Charles County, until 10 years ago a Republican stronghold, have helped make the state of Maryland an almost impenetrable fortress of Democratic Party might.  And in the last few years, the D.C. area has extended its political muscle into the state of Virginia.  The first signs of Democratic life came in 2000 in Fairfax County when Bush underperformed Bob Dole’s performance four years ago and barely eked out a victory.  Fairfax County was soon conquered, and soon after, Democrats managed to turn exurban outposts like Prince William and Loudoun Counties blue, a feat that would have been unthinkable in 2000.  But even with Maryland and Virginia on a strong blue trendline, the reach of the Washington, D.C. area still hasn’t been fully realized.  The next state that could be turned is West Virginia.  In the northeast corner of West Virginia, the state’s fastest-growing county (Jefferson County, an extension of exurban DC) turned blue this year by an impressive five-point margin.  Hard to imagine how the D.C. metro area can improve upon this in subsequent elections, but I continue to be awed every four years.

Any cities or metro areas I’m overlooking?  I’d love to hear supportive or contrarian thoughts.

Senate losses, retirements send GOP rightward

Fortynine Senate Republicans entered the 2008 elections and 41 or 42 will be left.  The result seems to have triggered a mini-boomlet of retirements from the class of 2010: Sam Brownback, Mel Martinez, Chuck Grassley, and George Voinovich.  Kay Bailey Hutchison may also be adding herself to this list.

The combination has had a profound effect on the political composition of the remaining Republicans.  Sure, the three most noderate Republican Senators are still there in the persons of Olympia Snowe, Susan Collins, and Arlen Specter but the ground behing them has moved a lot.  Ten of the next twelve Republicans (based on Progressive Punch scores from the 2007/2008 session) are either gone or have announced their retirements.  By contrast, only four of the bottom thirtyfour will be gone and one, Larry Craig, was replaced by a similarly conservative Republican.

The list of the departed or departing includes Gordon Smith (43.85), Norm Coleman (possibly, 33.42), George Voinovich (31.37), Ted Stevens (26.63), Chuck Hagel (23.84), John Warner (23.31), Pete Domenici ((22.62), Chuck Grassley ((16.27), John Sununu (15.95), and Mel Martinez (15.32).  Overall, the ten from 2008 had an average Progressive Punch score of 21.18 while those staying for the next session average a paltry 12.63.  Retirements and defeats will continue to drive that number even lower.

By comparison, 13 new Republicans were elected to the House in 2006.  The 13 had a combined Progressive Punch average of 4.58.  Three of the 13 were defeated for re-election either in a primary (David Davis) or the general election (Bill Sali, Tim Walberg).  Twenty new Republicans were elected to the House and two were elected to the Senate in 2008.  The new blood is pretty likely more conservative than the members who are replaced.

The once dominant Republican House class of 1994 has been reduced to 15 members.  Two of them, Todd Tiahrt and Tom Latham, are likely candidates for the Senate vacancies just announced.  John Shadegg and possibly Frank LoBiondo are targets for 2010 House races.  The times, they are a-changin’.  

Barb Mikulski schools man-child John Sununu.

Two weeks after his ass was kicked out of office, Mr. Sununu apparently still does not get the message. Just like his father did with the State Legislature back in the 80s, John carries on the time-honored Sununununu tradition of obstructing the opposition at every turn. Case in point below.

Sen. Mikulski brings up an ammendment to the auto bailout and my Junior Senator (surprise, surprise) objects therefore cutting off any further debate to the measure. Well, the old bull is having none of that and not-so-kindly reminds he and the rest of the GOP exactly why they went down in flames on Election Day.

It gets really good about 2 minutes in. No doubt the loser left the gallery with his tail between his legs.

“Boy am I sorry that that’s the last act of John Sununu in the Senate.” …and not a moment too soon.

From 2004 to 2008: The impact on the House and Senate

A lot has been made about the increase in electoral votes earned by Barack Obama from John Kerry’s totals.  Obama’s number while a significant increase is slightly lower than what Bill Clinton won in both 1992 (370 EV) and 1996 (379 EV).  Clinton started from a far lower base (Michael Dukakis’ losing total in 1988).  The real improvement for the Democratic Party came in the House and Senate results.  In 1992, Clinton may have won big but Democrats won 9 fewer House seats than in 1990 and 2 fewer than in 1988; Senate seats increased by 1 over the few year time slot.

By contrast, the final number of Democratic House seats is likely to be 258 or 259 (per Chris Bowers).  The Senate total ios likely to be 58 or 59.  That’s a gain of 56 or 57 House seats and 14 or 15 Senate seats from 2004 totals.

Regional and statewide totals tell the story best.

The Northeast is the most Democratic part of the country.  Both John Kerry and Barack Obama won all 117 electoral votes from this region.  In the interim, however, the Republicans moved from an important minority at the federal level to an insignificant one.  In 2004, House seats ran 56 D,35R, and 1 Democratic leaning indy (Bernie Sanders).  Republicans lost nearly a third of their seats in 2006 falling to 24 and repeated the feat by falling to 17 in 2008.  Over the two cycles, they lost more than half of their House seats in the region (18 seats).  Or if you prefer percentages, the GOP dropped from 38% to 18.5% of Northeast House seats. That included a loss of 6 seats in NY, 5 in PA, all 3 GOP in CT and all 2 GOP in NH.  At leasat half of the remaining GOP seat are still vulnerable.  Senate seats fell from 7 of 22 to 4 of 22 (also 18%).  Two of the four are up in 2010 and one will be represented by an 80 year old probably facing a stiff primary challenge.  The other (Judd Gregg, NH) is also on the chopping block.

The Great Lakes states are six industrial (and to a lesser extent farm) states that all touch on the Great Lakes.  Four of the six went to both Kerry and Gore.  Obama added IN and OH to win all 89 electoral votes.  Over the four years, the region became substantially more Democratic at the House level going from a 32-45 Republican edge to a 45-32 Democratic edge (if MaryJo Kilroy wins OH-15).  Democrats picked up one Senate seat in MO on 2006 and may pick up another in MN in 2008.

Gerrrymanders in Il, OH, and MI were overcome to and Democrats now lead IL 12-7, OH 10-8 (or 9-9) and MI 8-7.  Both WI and MN went from 4-4 splits to a 5-3 D lead and IN zoomed from 2-7 to 5-4.

The Mountain region went from a Republican 20-8 lead in 2004 to a solid 17-11 D edge.  Democrats picked up 2 seats in CO, 3 in AZ, 2 in NMand single seats in Nevada and Idaho.  They also gained Senate seats in MT (2006) and CO aand NM (2008).

The south didn’t turn blue but it did become considerably less red.  Here three seats are still listed as unsettled but VA-5 seems clearly ours and LA-2 (New Orleans, Dollar Bill Jefferson) is also pretty clear.  LA-4 (Carmouche) is an open seat where two conflicting polls would seem to indicate that (overall we have a single digit lead.  If it’s ours, the 52-88 chasm of 2004 is down to 65-75 with the bulk of the problem being Texas (20-12 in favor of the GOP).  VA and NC not only voted for Obama but elected majority D House delegations (6-5 in VA; 8-5 in NC).  FL went from an awful 18-7 GOP edge to a respectable 15-10.  Remember when we used to wish for a delegation that reflected the state (13-12 or 14-11 at worst).  Well, barring Mahoney’s stupidity we would have had 14-11.  Democrats also picked up 3 Senate seats here with two in VA and one in NC.  At the least, three GOPers look endangered as the Senate cycle ends in 2010: Jim Bunning in KY, Richard Burr in NC, and Mel Martinez in FL.

Obama won 3 southern states compared to 6 for Clinton in both 1992 and 1996 and none for Gore and Kerry.

That leaves two regions that went pretty much unchanged.  Democrats picked up only one seat in 2006 and probably none in 2008 in the Pacific (CA, OR, WA, AK, HI)Pretty bad  They did add 2 Senate seats this year (OR, AK).  CA Republicans scored under 60% in 11 of 19 wins in 2008 (I’m giving them CA-4).

The Plains remains a Republican stronghold but it;s tiny and not gtowing.  Democrats gained two House seats in Iowa and one in Kansas in 2006 but gave back the Kansas seat this year and fell by 8,000 votes in MO-9 and 12,000 in NE-2 (carried by Obama by 3,000 votes so there must be at least 15,000 Obama-Terry voters).  They gained only one Senate seat in MO in 2006.

The edge in the House is still a hefty 11-17 rather than the 9-19 margin of 2004.

The Rove “Math” 2008 version

http://online.wsj.com/article/…

Now he has a point that 2010 is likely to be better for Republicans but even if they get the average 23 seat net gain in the House that barely gets them back above 200 seats, if that.

Also, on reapportionment. Same old conservative spin that Michael Barone parrots in the latest Almanac – red states will gain House seats thus more electoral votes after the 2010 census. Problem for the GOP is that Florida is now a blue state and Arizona should be ripe for going to Obama in 2012 without McCain on the ticket. I also believe North Carolina is due to pick up at least one more seat which supports the idea that as states increase in population they become more open to Democrats due to urban growth.

Swing County Project

Swing State Project is a place for advanced election returns watchers, so here’s a tool for those who want to delve a little more into the nuts and bolts of what’s happening at the county level as swing state returns come trickling in, rather than just relying on the statewide numbers. The focus is on states with competitive senate or governor’s races, but there are also a few presidential swing states thrown in as well. Bookmark it or print it for easy reference tomorrow!

What I’ve done is start with the 2004 presidential numbers and look at all the counties that comprised 1% or more of the state’s votes (so that you aren’t spending your time worrying about 50/50 counties that turn out to only have a few thousand people in them). I’ve added (or subtracted) from those numbers to find where we need to be in each county to get over 50% on a statewide basis (regardless of whether you’re looking at these states in terms of the presidential race or another close statewide race). The assumption is that each states’ counties form a pretty consistent left-to-right spectrum no matter what the race is.

A few caveats: I didn’t want to spend weeks on this project, so these numbers presume essentially the same model as 2004 and push the percentages in exactly the same way in each county. Obviously, there are going to be some differences from that. Take Colorado, for instance. We can probably bank on increased African-American turnout in Denver, and increased young voter turnout in Boulder and Ft. Collins (Larimer County), which may express itself both as a greater Dem percentage gain than other counties and as a higher percentage of the total state tally. We also should factor in that disproportionately more growth in the last four years in Colorado has occurred in red counties (especially booming Douglas and Weld Counties), meaning those counties may also be a higher percentage of the total state… but we should also account for the fact that as suburban ripples spread out into exurban counties, they also tend to get bluer. Unfortunately, you’ll need to put on your political geography expert hats and make any of those mental adjustments yourselves.

Also, for statewide (governor or senator) races, assume that there might be regional concentrations in favor of particular candidates (i.e. the part of the state they’re from and where they know everybody… for example, look for Kay Hagan to overperform in Guilford County or Gordon Smith to overperform in Umatilla County). So what happens tomorrow won’t necessarily mirror my numbers (especially since in many places we’ll be easily exceeding 50%); they aren’t projections as much as just benchmarks on where we need to be at a minimum in order to win.

Colorado

County % of 2004
statewide vote
What we need to
break 50% statewide
2004 Pres.
Statewide 100.0 50/49 47/52
Jefferson 12.7 50/49 47/52
El Paso 11.3 35/64 32/67
Denver 11.2 73/26 70/29
Arapahoe 10.9 50/48 47/51
Boulder 7.5 69/29 66/32
Larimer 6.9 50/49 47/52
Adams 6.4 54/45 51/48
Douglas 5.7 36/64 33/67
Weld 4.2 39/60 36/63
Pueblo 3.2 56/43 53/46
Mesa 2.9 35/64 32/67
La Plata 1.2 56/43 53/46
Broomfield 1.1 50/49 47/52

Much more over the flip…

Florida

County % of 2004
statewide vote
What we need to
break 50% statewide
2004 Pres.
Statewide 100.0 50/49 47/52
Miami-Dade 10.2 56/44 53/47
Broward 9.3 67/32 64/35
Palm Beach 7.2 63/36 60/39
Hillsborough 6.1 49/50 46/53
Pinellas 6.0 53/47 50/50
Orange 5.1 53/47 50/50
Duval 5.0 45/55 42/58
Brevard 3.5 45/55 42/58
Lee 3.2 42/57 39/60
Volusia 3.0 53/46 50/49
Polk 2.8 44/56 41/59
Sarasota 2.6 48/51 45/54
Pasco 2.5 47/51 44/54
Seminole 2.4 44/55 41/58
Manatee 1.9 46/54 43/57
Escambia 1.9 37/62 34/65
Marion 1.8 44/55 41/58
Leon 1.8 65/35 62/38
Collier 1.7 37/62 34/65
Lake 1.6 42/57 39/60
Alachua 1.5 59/40 56/43
St. Lucie 1.3 55/45 52/48
Okaloosa 1.2 25/75 22/78
St. Johns 1.1 34/66 31/69
Osceola 1.1 50/49 47/52
Clay 1.1 26/73 23/76
Hernando 1.1 49/50 46/53
Charlotte 1.0 46/53 43/56

Georgia

County % of 2004
statewide vote
What we need to
break 50% statewide
2004 Pres.
Statewide 100.0 50/49 41/58
Fulton 10.2 68/31 59/40
Cobb 8.5 46/53 37/62
DeKalb 8.4 82/18 73/27
Gwinnett 7.4 42/57 33/66
Chatham 2.8 59/41 50/50
Clayton 2.4 79/20 70/29
Cherokee 2.2 29/70 20/79
Richmond 2.1 66/34 57/43
Henry 1.9 42/58 33/67
Muscogee 1.9 60/39 51/48
Bibb 1.7 60/40 51/49
Forsyth 1.7 25/74 16/83
Fayette 1.6 37/62 28/71
Hall 1.5 30/69 21/78
Columbia 1.4 33/66 24/75
Houston 1.4 42/57 33/66
Coweta 1.3 34/65 25/74
Douglas 1.3 47/52 38/61
Paulding 1.2 32/67 23/76
Clarke 1.1 67/31 58/40
Carroll 1.1 38/61 29/70
Dougherty 1.0 68/32 59/41

Kentucky

County % of 2004
statewide vote
What we need to
break 50% statewide
2004 Pres.
Statewide 100.0 50/50 40/60
Jefferson 18.8 60/39 50/49
Fayette 7.0 56/43 46/53
Kenton 3.7 44/55 34/65
Boone 2.5 37/62 27/72
Daviess 2.3 48/51 38/61
Campbell 2.2 45/54 35/64
Warren 2.2 46/53 36/63
Hardin 2.0 42/58 32/68
Madison 1.7 48/52 38/62
McCracken 1.7 48/51 38/61
Bullitt 1.6 42/58 32/68
Oldham 1.5 40/59 30/69
Pike 1.5 62/37 52/47
Pulaski 1.4 33/67 23/77
Franklin 1.3 58/41 48/51
Laurel 1.2 34/66 24/76
Boyd 1.2 57/43 47/53
Christian 1.1 43/56 33/66
Hopkins 1.0 44/55 34/65
Henderson 1.0 53/46 43/56
Jessamine 1.0 39/60 29/70

Minnesota

(I’m going to try something very different here; I’m going to set the target at 45%, to account for the Barkley effect, assuming he draws equally from both sides and finishes around 10, both of which may be completely wrong on my partl)

County % of 2004
statewide vote
What we need to
break 45% statewide
2004 Pres.
Statewide 100.0 45/42 51/48
Hennepin 22.9 53/33 59/39
Ramsey 9.6 57/30 63/36
Dakota 7.6 42/44 48/50
Anoka 6.2 40/47 46/53
Washington 4.5 42/45 48/51
St. Louis 4.2 59/28 65/34
Stearns 2.7 37/49 43/55
Olmsted 2.5 41/46 47/52
Scott 2.1 34/53 40/59
Wright 2.1 32/55 38/61
Carver 1.6 30/57 36/63
Sherburne 1.5 32/55 38/61
Crow Wing 1.2 36/51 42/57
Blue Earth 1.2 45/42 51/48
Otter Tail 1.1 31/55 37/61
Rice 1.1 47/39 53/45

Mississippi

County % of 2004
statewide vote
What we need to
break 50% statewide
2004 Pres.
Statewide 100.0 50/49 40/59
Hinds 8.0 69/30 59/40
Harrison 5.5 46/53 36/63
Rankin 4.7 30/69 20/79
Jackson 4.4 40/59 30/69
De Soto 4.4 37/62 27/72
Madison 3.3 45/54 35/64
Lee 2.7 43/56 33/66
Lauderdale 2.6 44/55 34/65
Forrest 2.3 48/51 38/61
Jones 2.3 38/62 28/72
Lowndes 2.1 53/46 43/56
Lamar 1.8 29/70 19/80
Warren 1.7 52/48 42/58
Washington 1.7 69/29 59/39
Pearl River 1.7 33/66 23/76
Hancock 1.6 39/60 29/70

(In another example of how the netroots hate the flyover states, I stopped at 1.5% of state vote share in Mississippi. Lots of medium-sized counties there.)

(I’ve left out New Hampshire because it reports by towns rather than by counties, and that would get a little too complicated.)

New Mexico

County % of 2004
statewide vote
What we need to
break 50% statewide
2004 Pres.
Statewide 100.0 50/49 49/50
Bernalillo 34.0 53/46 52/47
Santa Fe 8.8 72/27 71/28
Dona Ana 8.2 52/47 51/48
San Juan 6.0 34/65 33/66
Sandoval 5.9 49/50 48/51
Valencia 3.4 44/55 43/56
Chaves 2.9 32/67 31/68
Otero 2.7 32/67 31/68
McKinley 2.7 64/35 63/36
Eddy 2.7 35/65 34/66
Lea 2.4 21/78 20/79
Rio Arriba 2.0 66/33 65/34
Taos 2.0 75/24 74/25
Curry 1.9 26/74 25/75
Grant 1.8 54/45 53/46
San Miguel 1.6 73/26 72/27
Los Alamos 1.5 48/51 47/52
Lincoln 1.2 32/66 31/67
Socorro 1.0 52/46 51/47
Luna 1.0 45/54 44/55

North Carolina

County % of 2004
statewide vote
What we need to
break 50% statewide
2004 Pres.
Statewide 100.0 50/50 44/56
Wake 10.0 55/45 49/51
Mecklenburg 9.2 58/42 52/48
Guilford 5.7 56/43 50/49
Forsyth 4.0 52/48 46/54
Durham 3.1 74/26 68/32
Buncombe 3.0 55/44 49/50
Cumberland 2.7 54/46 48/52
New Hanover 2.3 50/50 44/56
Orange 1.8 73/26 67/32
Gaston 1.8 38/62 32/68
Union 1.7 35/64 29/70
Cabarrus 1.7 39/61 33/67
Davidson 1.7 35/65 29/71
Catawba 1.7 38/61 32/67
Iredell 1.6 38/62 32/68
Johnston 1.6 38/62 32/68
Alamance 1.5 44/55 38/61
Pitt 1.5 52/47 46/53
Rowan 1.5 38/61 32/67
Randolph 1.5 31/68 25/74
Henderson 1.2 41/59 35/65
Wayne 1.1 44/56 38/62
Moore 1.1 41/58 35/64
Brunswick 1.1 45/54 39/60
Craven 1.1 43/56 37/62
Nash 1.1 48/52 42/58
Rockingham 1.1 45/55 39/61
Onslow 1.1 36/63 30/69
Cleveland 1.1 44/55 38/61

Ohio

County % of 2004
statewide vote
What we need to
break 50% statewide
2004 Pres.
Statewide 100.0 50/50 49/51
Cuyahoga 12.0 68/32 67/33
Franklin 9.3 55/44 54/45
Hamilton 7.5 48/52 47/53
Montgomery 5.0 52/48 51/49
Summit 4.9 58/42 57/43
Lucas 3.9 61/39 60/40
Stark 3.3 52/48 51/49
Butler 3.0 35/65 34/66
Lorain 2.5 57/43 56/44
Mahoning 2.4 64/36 63/37
Lake 2.2 50/50 49/51
Trumbull 1.9 63/37 62/38
Warren 1.7 29/73 28/72
Clermont 1.6 30/70 29/71
Medina 1.5 44/56 43/57
Delaware 1.4 35/65 34/66
Licking 1.4 39/61 38/62
Greene 1.4 40/60 39/61
Portage 1.4 54/45 53/46
Clark 1.2 50/50 49/51
Fairfield 1.2 38/62 37/63
Wood 1.1 47/52 46/53
Richland 1.1 41/59 40/60

Oregon

County % of 2004
statewide vote
What we need to
break 50% statewide
2004 Pres.
Statewide 100.0 50/48 51/47
Multnomah 19.7 71/28 72/27
Washington 12.6 51/47 52/46
Clackamas 10.6 48/51 49/50
Lane 10.1 57/41 58/40
Marion 7.1 43/55 44/54
Jackson 5.6 42/56 43/55
Deschutes 4.0 41/57 42/56
Douglas 3.0 32/66 33/65
Linn 2.8 37/61 38/60
Benton 2.5 57/41 58/40
Josephine 2.3 35/63 36/62
Yamhill 2.3 41/58 42/57
Polk 1.9 43/56 44/55
Coos 1.8 42/56 43/55
Klamath 1.7 25/73 26/72
Umatilla 1.4 33/66 34/65
Columbia 1.4 49/49 50/48
Lincoln 1.3 56/43 57/42
Clatsop 1.1 53/45 54/44

Pennsylvania

County % of 2004
statewide vote
What we need to
break 50% statewide
2004 Pres.
Statewide 100.0 50/49 51/48
Philadelphia 11.7 79/20 80/19
Allegheny 11.2 56/43 57/42
Montgomery 6.9 55/45 56/44
Bucks 5.5 50/49 51/48
Delaware 4.9 56/43 57/42
Chester 4.0 47/53 48/52
Lancaster 3.8 33/67 34/66
York 3.1 35/65 36/64
Westmoreland 3.1 43/57 44/56
Berks 2.9 45/54 46/53
Lehigh 2.5 50/49 51/48
Luzerne 2.4 50/49 51/48
Northampton 2.2 49/50 50/49
Erie 2.2 53/47 54/46
Dauphin 2.1 45/55 46/54
Cumberland 1.8 35/65 36/64
Lackawanna 1.8 55/43 56/42
Washington 1.7 49/51 50/50
Butler 1.5 34/65 35/64
Beaver 1.4 50/49 51/48
Cambria 1.2 48/52 49/51
Schuylkill 1.1 44/56 45/55
Centre 1.1 47/53 48/52
Franklin 1.0 27/72 28/71

Virginia

County % of 2004
statewide vote
What we need to
break 50% statewide
2004 Pres.
Statewide 100.0 50/49 45/54
Fairfax 14.4 58/41 53/46
Virginia Beach city 5.5 45/54 40/59
Chesterfield 4.2 42/58 37/63
Henrico 4.2 51/49 46/54
Prince William 4.1 51/48 46/53
Loudoun 3.4 49/51 44/56
Arlington 3.0 73/26 68/31
Chesapeake city 2.9 47/52 42/57
Richmond city 2.3 75/24 70/29
Norfolk city 2.2 67/32 62/37
Newport News city 2.1 57/42 52/47
Alexandria city 1.9 72/37 67/32
Hampton city 1.7 62/37 57/42
Hanover 1.6 33/66 28/71
Roanoke 1.5 39/60 34/65
Stafford 1.4 42/57 37/62
Spotsylvania 1.4 42/58 37/63
Albemarle 1.4 56/43 51/48
Portsmouth city 1.2 66/34 61/39
Roanoke city 1.1 57/41 52/46
Suffolk city 1.0 52/47 47/52

Washington

County % of 2004
statewide vote
What we need to
break 50% statewide
2004 Pres.
Statewide 100.0 50/49 53/46
King 31.3 62/37 65/34
Pierce 11.0 48/51 51/48
Snohomish 10.3 50/49 53/46
Spokane 7.1 40/58 43/55
Clark 6.0 44/55 47/52
Kitsap 4.1 48/50 51/47
Thurston 3.9 53/46 56/43
Whatcom 3.2 50/48 53/45
Yakima 2.5 36/63 39/60
Benton 2.3 29/69 32/66
Skagit 1.8 45/53 48/50
Cowlitz 1.5 48/51 51/48
Island 1.3 44/54 47/51
Clallam 1.3 43/54 46/51
Lewis 1.1 30/68 33/65
Chelan 1.0 33/66 36/63

PA-05: McCracken for Congress — Staying Positive with a Message of Hope and Change

There really isn’t a lot left to say as we head into the final 24 hours of the campaign.  First, and most important, Kelly, Amanda and I want to thank everyone who has helped in any way with the campaign.  The one thing I will take away from this experience, regardless of the outcome on Tuesday, is the people I’ve met, the communities I’ve visited and the stories we’ve shared.

It has also been encouraging how many people have stepped up over the last 2 weeks to help with donations to the campaign.  Once our opponent got desperate and decided to go negative there were many people and organizations who stepped up and sent in late donations.  These late donations allowed us to expand our media advertising and create a second TV ad to combat the distortions coming from our opponent’s campaign.  

I think once they realized they offered no ideas or solutions for the 5th district, the only way they could win was to trot out the usual wedge issues and scare the voters into thinking I’m someone that I’m not.  Now we know how Barack Obama feels.

I want to close out this campaign on a positive note.  

Keep encouraging everyone you know to get out and vote on Tuesday.  Remind them that while the top of the ballot for President is the race everyone is interested in, the next most important race is the 5th district race.  This is our chance to reverse 8 years of bad policy and take our future back.   Tuesday will be historical and we can be part of it by sending a Democrat to Congress from the 5th district for the first time in 30 years.  Most important to remember — the Democratic message throughout the long campaign has been a positive one stressing HOPE and CHANGE.



Review of the Past Week on the Campaign Trail:

I participated in several additional debates / forums with the other 2 candidates for the 5th district seat this week.   There was really nothing new to report as both my opponents stayed on script with the expected answers to the usual questions.   After going through this process, I am pleased that we did so many debates across the 5th district.   Voters across the district had many opportunities to come out and see the candidates in person and hear where we stand on the issues.  

We had a great GOTV rally in Clarion on Saturday with a nice turnout of people from the Clarion area including members of the Clarion University Young Democrats and members from the IUPAT union.  I was honored to share the stage with PA House candidate Matt Ellenberger, Clarion County Democratic Chairman Bill Miller and IUPAT National President James Williams.

I had 2 big highlights this week — Meeting former President Bill Clinton in State College and meeting our next Vice President, Senator Joe Biden at a rally in Williamsport.




Mark meets and receives the endorsement of Bill Clinton.




Meeting our next VP Joe Biden in Williamsport.

It was an honor to meet both of these great men and it is something I will always remember.  I learned that Senator Biden and I have something in common.  He also served as a county commissioner in Delaware before he was elected to the United States Senate.  

Here is a picture from the rally in Williamsport that appeared in the Lock Haven newspaper.




The gathering in Williamsport.



Schedule for Upcoming Week:

Monday — 7 PM —  DuBois Democratic Committee Meeting

Tuesday  — Election Day

Wednesday & Beyond — To Be Decided by the Voters in the 5th District.



Mark B. McCracken

Your Candidate For Congress

————————————————————————————————–

This diary is cross-posted at McCracken’s campaign blog, PA’s Blue Fifth

Mark McCracken for Congress

ActBlue page

House Third-Party Spending: $85m for Blue, $29m for Red

This post summarizes James Hell’s amazing work since August tracking independent expenditures on House races. Note that this does not include direct expenditures by party committees (like we saw the other day from the DCCC in NJ-05 & FL-18) or electioneering communications by 527’s like Freedom’s Crotch (the FEC’s database is all but unnavigable).

We do, however, include spending by many third-party groups, not just the DCCC and NRCC. In fact, we’ve tracked spending by forty-six different organizations, some of which you’ve heard of, many of which are obscure. The list includes the Veterans of Foreign Wars, the Safari Club, SEIU, the National Association of Realtors, the Michigan Republican Party and many, many more. (Scroll down to the key at the bottom for the complete list.)

And all of these groups made choices, whether to support Team Red or Team Blue. Some supported both. At the end of the day, though, Democrats completely and utterly swamped the field. Here’s a brief run-down of the sixty-nine districts which saw serious spending this cycle (note: we excluded a handful of districts where aggregate spending was under about $20K):

Total spending on Dem-held seats:

     Blue: $18,588,000

     Red: $6,035,000

Total spending on GOP-held seats:

     Blue: $66,849,000

     Red: $22,898,000

Total spending on all seats:

     Blue: $85,437,000

     Red: $28,933,000

Below the fold are two tables of district-by-district spending. The first lists Dem-held seats, the second lists GOP-held seats. Both are sorted by total amount spent in the district. Note that averages only take into account seats where a side actually spent money.

Spending in Dem-held seats:
























































































































































District Blue Red Total
NH-01 $2,492,993 $655,318 $3,148,311
PA-11 $2,306,702 $782,488 $3,089,190
TX-22 $1,361,490 $1,022,214 $2,383,705
LA-06 $1,324,324 $916,562 $2,240,886
AL-05 $1,076,370 $551,657 $1,628,027
CA-11 $1,348,443 $207,019 $1,555,462
WI-08 $858,738 $676,041 $1,534,779
IN-09 $1,388,132 $5,340 $1,393,472
AZ-05 $1,360,534 $11,832 $1,372,365
TX-23 $1,241,856 $1,241,856
PA-10 $1,152,548 $10,330 $1,162,878
PA-12 $580,627 $472,454 $1,053,081
KS-02 $464,263 $585,004 $1,049,267
FL-16 $431,095 $10,928 $442,023
AZ-08 $419,329 $22,657 $441,986
MS-01 $296,767 $296,767
OR-05 $238,670 $238,670
CT-02 $105,163 $105,163
GA-13 $95,307 $95,307
CT-05 $60,000 $60,000
TN-04 $59,314 $59,314
GA-08 $30,974 $30,974
Total $18,588,477 $6,035,004 $24,623,481
Average $885,166 $402,334 $1,119,249

Spending in GOP-held seats:














































































































































































































































































































District Blue Red Total
MI-07 $2,209,452 $1,788,807 $3,998,259
MN-03 $2,398,106 $1,030,494 $3,428,600
CO-04 $2,450,302 $893,077 $3,343,379
OH-01 $2,145,827 $1,061,882 $3,207,710
OH-15 $2,180,313 $948,408 $3,128,722
NM-01 $2,612,008 $475,000 $3,087,008
PA-03 $2,083,146 $918,142 $3,001,288
NJ-03 $2,207,395 $762,374 $2,969,769
WA-08 $1,692,781 $1,108,746 $2,801,527
NJ-07 $1,961,417 $816,036 $2,777,453
MI-09 $2,108,413 $649,952 $2,758,365
NV-03 $2,397,085 $306,606 $2,703,691
NY-26 $1,962,975 $618,328 $2,581,302
FL-21 $943,633 $1,601,673 $2,545,306
NC-08 $2,475,367 $52,325 $2,527,692
OH-16 $2,461,829 $50,000 $2,511,829
MD-01 $1,877,928 $564,734 $2,442,662
IL-11 $2,287,727 $2,287,727
IL-10 $2,047,202 $185,487 $2,232,689
AZ-03 $2,092,179 $123,679 $2,215,857
MO-09 $1,400,147 $748,946 $2,149,093
CT-04 $1,295,182 $793,034 $2,088,217
AZ-01 $2,051,271 $22,681 $2,073,952
VA-02 $1,390,695 $476,924 $1,867,619
AL-02 $1,231,976 $591,621 $1,823,598
VA-11 $1,645,270 $1,645,270
FL-25 $954,400 $673,833 $1,628,232
KY-02 $1,241,273 $346,669 $1,587,942
NM-02 $1,535,780 $1,535,780
NY-29 $956,472 $572,333 $1,528,805
OH-02 $827,914 $630,468 $1,458,382
NE-02 $857,652 $574,226 $1,431,878
AK-AL $1,365,284 $54,014 $1,419,298
FL-24 $1,189,011 $183,228 $1,372,239
WV-02 $535,424 $718,300 $1,253,724
WY-AL $832,947 $377,496 $1,210,443
MN-06 $1,122,938 $57,133 $1,180,071
MO-06 $469,150 $617,932 $1,087,082
IN-03 $614,107 $349,920 $964,027
ID-01 $527,763 $391,782 $919,546
VA-05 $720,548 $139,601 $860,149
FL-08 $298,298 $560,987 $859,285
CA-04 $841,407 $4,720 $846,127
NY-25 $166,658 $166,658
NV-02 $109,038 $6,468 $115,506
SC-01 $73,288 $73,288
GA-06 $50,000 $50,000
Total $66,848,977 $22,898,068 $89,747,045
Average $1,453,239 $545,192 $1,909,512

PA-05: McCracken for Congress — Working the Final Week to Take Back Our Future

The campaign schedule has been pretty intense over the last week and will continue to be so until the BIG day on Tuesday, November 4th.   I want to congratulate everyone for putting so much effort into this year’s election, not just for an individual campaign, but for the entire Democratic ticket.  I’ve seen people in every community throughout the 5th district working to make sure the message is getting out.  

I want to remind everyone it is important that we finish strong.   Don’t take anything for granted, ignore the polls and work like the polls show our candidates 5 points down.  Remember, while all indications show Barack Obama will be our next president, if we believe the polls, Al Gore would be concluding his second term or we would be working to re-elect President John Kerry right now.

On a personal note specifically dealing with our campaign for the United State Congress, I want to assure everyone that I am working as hard as I can heading into the final week of the campaign.   Back in January when Kelly and I decided we would enter the race we knew that 2008 would be a difficult year for our family.  We’ve missed opportunities to do things as a family but we knew solving the problems besieging our nation required a sacrifice.  What is encouraging is watching the work everyone is doing and seeing people giving of their time and donating their personal skills to bring a positive result on November 4th.

For the final week, I ask that everyone keep in mind what the real goal is.  The real goal isn’t just to win an election, what we are working for in 2008 is to take back our future.   I’ve been stressing to voters the last couple of weeks to realize over the last 8 years poor decisions in Washington have put the future for our children and grandchildren in jeopardy.  The one issue more apparent than any other is the outrageous deficit and debt that George W. Bush will leave behind when he moves out of the White House in January.

My Republican opponent constantly says the “Bush tax cuts are our tax cuts” when the real truth is the Bush debt is our debt.  The only way we are going to get our future back is by voting for the right people on November 4th who will make the tough decisions to put our country back in order.   It all starts with making our federal government fiscally strong so we can invest in our nation and make the lives of all our citizens better.   Sacrifice will be necessary, but in the end our country will be better.



A Very Important Endorsement:

I am please to announce that my candidacy has received the endorsement of the Veterans and Military Families for Progress.  In the letter informing our campaign of the endorsement the organization stated “Veterans and Military Families for Progress has chosen to endorse your campaign.  We do this in recognition of your support of veteran, active duty, guard, reserve, and military family issues.  We hope that in some way our endorsement provides you an electoral advantage and ultimately ensures your election to the Pennsylvania Fifth Congressional District seat”.

This is a very important endorsement to receive from a prestigious organization that is dedicated to supporting the issues important of the active military and their families along with our veterans.  This is an endorsement our campaign can be very proud to receive.



Campaign Commercial:

We are getting our message of fiscal responsibility out to the people of this district.  We have a plan to right the ship and move in a new direction that includes balancing the budget, paying down the debt and investing here at home.  

We can’t afford any more of the “borrow and spend” mentality that has gotten us in this situation.  This debt is a national security issue and we intend to confront it with the experience and even-handedness it requires.



Review of the Past Week on the Campaign Trail:

I participated in 4 more candidate debates this week.  We started off Monday evening with a 2 hour debate from Mansfield University in Tioga County that was broadcast live on PCN.   Tuesday and Wednesday brought debates in smaller venues with stop in Bellefonte on Tuesday and an event on Wednesday in Lewistown.   On Thursday all 3 candidates participated in a live 1 hour debate broadcast live on WPSU-TV.

The one thing I’ve taken out of all these debates that I’ve participated in, some just with my Republican opponent and others that also included the Libertarian candidate, is I am on the right side of the issues that affect the majority of the people in the 5th district.  When you list off the issues we are regularly asked about in the debates — Fiscal Responsibility, Health Care Reform, Social Security, Public Education Policy, Energy Policy and the Iraq War, the stances I take which mostly mirrors the rest of the Democratic Party platform are in line with what I am hearing from voters in the 5th district.   We won’t know until next week if what I’m saying is really resonating with the voters in the 5th district but I feel confident that our message is strong and voters are listening.  

Saturday finished the week with a strong day of campaigning.  I started out the day at 1 PM in Emporium, Cameron County for the fall Democratic luncheon.   I then made a 70 mile dash to Lock Haven to attend a 3 PM GOTV rally headlined by Gov. Ed Rendell.   I shared the stage with Rep. Mike Hanna, Obama campaign rep. Jayson Harpster, Clinton County Commissioners Joel Long and Adam Coleman, Lock Haven Mayor Rick Vilello and Clinton County Democratic Chairman Dave Wallace.   Then it was on to a 5 PM appearance in Boalsburg at the Centre County Democratic Fall banquet with Gov. Rendell and all the Democratic candidates representing Centre County.  The long day ended with a final stop after 7 PM in Lewistown for the Mifflin County Democratic Fall banquet.  



Schedule for Upcoming Week:

Monday — 6 PM —  Meeting with Federal Credit Union Members — Hampton Inn DuBois

Tuesday  — 8 AM — Radio Interview WRSC

Tuesday — 9:30 AM — Tour of AccuWeather

Tuesday — 6:30 PM — Debate in New Bethlehem / Clarion County sponsored by League of Women Voters

Wednesday — 7 PM — Penn State Political Science Debate — West Hall Commons Building — Main Campus

Thursday — 8 AM — Radio Interview — DuBois  

Thursday — 7 PM — WPSU Radio Debate

Friday — 8 AM — Radio Interview with Jerry Fisher — State College

Saturday — Time TBD — GOTV Rally in Clarion County

Sunday — Time TBD — GOTV Rally in State College



FUNDRAISING REMINDER
— Keep talking with people about the 5,000 Friends to Flip the Fifth project. We can win the 5th District Congressional District for the first time in 32 years but we need to be organizing our forces heading into the final weeks. The only way to turn this country around is to send people to Washington who will make the tough decisions. The choice in the 5th district is clear. My opponent regularly states that he supports the fiscal policies of the Bush administration AKA “the Bush tax cuts” and will continue them — More of the Same. While I continue to stress that we must balance the budget, built a surplus and pay down the debt.

In order to get the message out to voters we will need to advertise which costs money. Please contact your family and friends and urge them to financially support our campaign as we move into the final weeks. Donations can be made online through www.actblue.com or by direct mail to McCracken for Congress, PO Box 332, Clearfield PA 16830.



Mark B. McCracken

Your Candidate For Congress

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This diary is cross-posted at McCracken’s campaign blog, PA’s Blue Fifth

Mark McCracken for Congress

ActBlue page