Redistricting Alabama: Two VRA Districts

There are a few scenarios which could give rise to this map. If control of redistricting is split, then I could see this as a compromise map. As you'll soon see, Mike Rogers' life gets easier while the Second District becomes solidly Democratic (albeit with Bobby Bright is serious trouble in the primary, assuming he's still around).

 Even if Democrats have the redistricting trifecta, the fact that only one of the state's seven districts can be counted on to go Democratic and only one another saw Obama get more than 40% of the vote has got to be worrisome. So, a map such as this can also be seen as a Democratic gerrymander of sorts in that it makes two solidly Democratic districts.

I could even see this as a Republican map, especially if Bobby Bright survives. If that happens, they could concede the Second in return for shoring up their most vulnerable member: Mike Rogers.

Finally, this map could result from a decision by the courts or the Justice Department mandating that Alabama have another black-majority district. 2005 Census estimates put Alabama at 26.7% black. That amounts to just under two districts, and considering that adding another majority black district to Alabama is fairly easy as the heavily black areas tend to be clustered or at least fairly close to each other.

State Map

 

First District (Blue)
Old District: 67.8% white | 28% black
Old Demographics: 82% white | 13% black
New Demographics: 81% white | 13% black

The First exchanges heavily black areas in Mobile for rural, white areas along the Florida border. The net result is a significantly whiter and probably more Republican district, as if Jo Bonner needed it.  

Second District (Green)
Old District: 67% white | 29% black
Old Demographics: 44% white | 53% black
New Demographics: 41% white | 55% black

Previous attempts to move the black areas of Mobile to the Seventh District and move extra black areas from the Seventh to the Second were unsuccessful as it left the First and Second underpopulated with nowhere to gain that wouldn’t negate the whole purpose. But moving this area into the Second does work. The Second also picks up heavily black areas from the Seventh and Third and loses whiter areas to the First and Third. As a result, the district is now majority black and, I would assume, pretty solidly Democratic. Bobby Bright would likely have trouble in the primary, though.

Third District (Purple)
Old District: 65% white | 32% black
Old Demographics: 74% white | 22% black
New Demographics: 73% white | 23% black

Things get easier for Mike Rogers. Not only has the district been pushed northward out of the black belt (or at least the blackest parts of it), becoming almost three-quarters white, but Rogers' Democratic opponent Josh Segall is now in the Second District.

Fourth District (Red)
Old District: 90% white | 5% black
Old Demographics: 90% white | 6% black
New Demographics: 88% white | 6% black

The Fourth remains Alabama's whitest and least diverse districts. I tried to make it a heavily rural district, which you may can see in its loss of Fort Payne and Gadsden. That effort may have been futile as I had to put Florence and parts of Tuscaloosa in the district. I would be shocked if Rob Aderholt had any problems here.

Fifth District (Yellow)
Old District: 78% white | 17% black
Old Demographics: 79% white | 15% black
New Demographics: 76% white | 16% black

With this one, I tried to make it more urban (or at least less rural) as well as concentrate the military interests in one district. The new Fifth picks of Decatur and Fort Payne, among other areas, and sheds some more rural areas.

Sixth District (Teal)
Old District: 89% white | 8% black
Old Demographics: 88% white | 8% black
New Demographics: 85% white | 10% black

With the loss of Tuscaloosa County, the Sixth loses much of its former serpentine shape. With the addition of Autauga County, the district becomes more of a Birmingham to Montgomery district.

Seventh District (Gray)
Old District: 36% white | 62% black
Old Demographics: 37% white | 60% black
New Demographics: 35% white | 61% black

Not a whole lot has changed here. It loses some of Clarke County, giving the district a more compact look, as well as parts of Pickens and Wilcox Counties. In return, it gains some Birmingham-area precincts. The story is still the same: heavily black and solidly Democratic.

Updates on GA-07 and related down-ballot races

State Senator David Shafer (R) is out.  Shafer had shown ambition earlier this cycle with a run for Lieutenant Governor (which was aborted when the incumbent, Casey Cagle, decided to run for re-election instead of running for governor), but says he wants to be closer to his family.  Former Atlanta Braves pitcher John Smoltz is likewise out, declining after apparently not even knowing he was considering.

State Representative Clay Cox (R), however, is in.  The other announced Republican, State Senator Don “the Hutt” Balfour has gone on record supporting massive tuition increases saying, “We’re becoming a socialist society when we say that you shouldn’t raise tuition at all…is embarrassingly cheap.”  See here.

Also considering the race, on the Republican side, are State Representative Jeff May, Gwinnett County Republican Chair Chuck Efstration, Assistant DA and Gwinnett County Commissioner Mike Beaudreau (see link for Cox on these three), hyprocritical Bible beater extraordinaire Ralph Reed, State Representative Bobby Reese (he’d be switching from the race in the 9th to the 7th, where in lives), and State Representative Tom Rice.

For Democrats, speculation centers on 2008 candidate Doug Heckman, who got 41% in the district.  Heckman is currently serving in the Army Reserves, so he won’t be announcing anything for now.  He had also been considering a run for the 47th State Senate seat, left open by the decision of Republican Senator Ralph Hudgens to run for insurance commissioner.  SD-47 is far more Republican than GA-07, so Heckman would have it easier in the Congressional district, at least on that criterion. CORRECTION: I was thinking of 10th district nominee Bobby Saxon when I wrote that.  Saxon is the one considering a run for the 47th Senate seat.

 

Some Downballot Considerations

State Representative David Casas (R) has decided to run for Balfour’s open seat.  Although both seats have the makings of ticking time bombs for the Republicans, the house seat (the 103rd) is far more promising for us.  In 2008, Allan Burns (who ran against Linder in 2006), held Casas to under 55%.  Burns told me today on Facebook that he’s considering another run.

Our chances at picking up these other seats are much, much slimmer.  Brooke Nebel has been running against Rice for several months.  Parts of the district (the 51st) are promising while others aren’t.  Cox’s 102nd lies along the DeKalb-Gwinnett border.  You’d think that will be a prime location for a pickup.  Yet, for some reason, this area is a dead zone for us.  Randy Sauder briefly represented the area as a Democrat, but he switched parties (from Republican to Democratic) while in office and never ran for re-election as a Democrat.  May’s 111th district is in rural, Republican Walton County.  Balfour’s seat is like Rice’s some pockets of strength and a positive outlook someday, but probably not there right now.

A Rundown of the Results of the Georgia Special Elections

SD-01 (R): Former State Rep. Buddy Carter (R) creams former Chatham County Commission Chair Billy Hair (R) 82.1% to 17.9%. I figured Carter would win, but I had no idea it would be that lopsided.

SD-35 (D): There will be a runoff, we just don’t know which two of the four million nine candidates (all Democrats) will be on the ballot.  With 69% of the vote in, the three most likely candidates seem to be former State Senator Donzella James, Torrey Johnson (my favorite), and Benny Crane. EDIT: As I’ve been writing this, the AP has called the race for a James-Torrey Johnson runoff.

HD-58 (D): The AP is calling a runoff between Democrats Asha Jackson (my least favorite of the four Democrats in the race) and Simone Bell (who would be the second openly gay member of the General Assembly ever and the first from a racial minority and my favorite for mostly unrelated reasons).  

HD-75 (D): Democratic prodigal son (he’s a bastard child) Ron Dodson has reclaimed his seat, defeating Republican Shawn James 60.1-39.9.  In a night we’re we seem to be fucking ourselves, we do it again.  Dodson left the party before, works for big healthcare, says his biggest goal is tort reform, had failing ratings on the environment, and was for the gay marriage ban.

HD-129 (R): In the all-Republican special, Kip Smith barely missed an outright win in his father’s former seat and will now face total wingnut Steve Earles in the runoff.  The guy that seemed the least of four evils came in third.  Smith is bad but Earles is a complete nut.

HD-141 (D): We should be thankful for crazy splinter Republicans.  Political neophyte, wingnut, and recent college grad Casey Tucker siphoned over 500 votes from the more established Republican Angela Gheesling-McCommon.  As it stands now, she and Democrat Darrell Black are separated by sixteen votes (with Black leading) for the right to face indepedent Rusty Kidd in the runoff.

HD-159 (R): The race to replace the aforementioned Buddy Carter wasn’t a race at all, like I expected.  Former State Rep. Ann Purcell (whom Carter unseated in the primary) defeated fellow Republican and self-professed “true conservative” Jesse Tyler 79.2-20.8

The runoffs for SD-35, HD-58, HD-129, and HD-141 (and Atlanta Mayor) will be on December 1.  A more thorough rundown of the candidates and districts can be found here.

The Next Special Election Battle (And A Rundown of the Special Elections in Georgia on November 3)

On November 3, while voters are going to the polls to decide governors races in New Jersey and Virginia, the fate of gay marriage in Maine, and special elections for congressional seats in California and New York, voters in Georgia will cast votes for municipal elections.  In addition, there will be special elections to fill seven vacant seats in the General Assembly: two state senate seats and five state house seats.  Here’s a rundown.  In summary, there is only one seat (HD-141) that stands a chance off changing parties, but the other ones bear some attention, too.  

HD-58

Democrat Robin Shipp resigned to eliminate a conflict of interest between her full-time job as an assistant prosecutor and her part-term job legislator.  Divided by the Fulton-DeKalb line, this appears to be the most compact district in Georgia, including the neighborhoods of East Atlanta, Cabbagetown, Reynoldstown, Edgewood,  Kirkwood, Ormewood, Boulevard Heights, Eastland Heights, Woodland Hills, Custer/McDonough/Guice, and Benteen.

Four very strong Democrats have qualified.  Activist Simone Bell seeks to become the second openly gay member of the General Assembly ever and the first from a racial minority.  Her campaign emphasizes women’s and GLBT rights and issues and social justice, including healthcare, education, and safe schools.  She had the second best fundraising haul of the five candidates.

Attorney Asha Jackson seems to be the frontrunner, judging from her fundraising prowess (more than her opponents combined).  I am a little concerned that her law firm defends tort cases (do they represent insurance companies and incompetent doctors?) and some lack of specifics but nothing I’ve seen has really worried me.  I’m wary, but not to the point where I’d reject her.

Activist and businessman Kevin Johnson‘s claim to fame is his advocacy toward gaining more consumer protections from credit card companies, including influencing the recently-passed federal credit card reform legislation.  Johnson vows to continue this work if elected, along with working to protect the HOPE Scholarship, Peach Care, and arts education from budget cuts, affordable housing, and high-speed rail.

Michael McPherson is a former General Assembly staffer and has worked on several community boards.  Like Asha Jackson, there are some lack of specifics that make me wary to some extent (e.g. “I am dedicated to supporting Georgia’s public schools. We need to find ways to inspire students to remain in school and stay competitive.”), although when he’s more specific, I do like what I see, such as his emphasis on lower carbon emissions, sustainable development, and a regional effort for transportation in the Metro Atlanta area.

For what it’s worth, he’s also the only white Democrat running here.

Josh Lewis IV, an executive with his family-owned surveying company, has also filed as an independent.  Interestingly, he filed as J. Lewis IV.  I can’t help but to wonder if that’s a ploy to fool people into thinking he’s Congressman John Lewis (or his offspring).  His father (judging by the name) was a Mark Taylor supporter, but I can’t find anything on the son.

I expect a runoff, probably between Jackson and either Bell or Johnson (although with low confidence in that prediction) but I’ll say with almost complete certainty that a Democrat will win.  My preferences would be, from highest to lowest, Bell, Johnson, McPherson, Jackson.  

HD-75

Not far south, Democrat Celeste Johnson resigned her seat in North-Central Clayton County to move to Florida for personal and family reasons.  Two candidates have emerged for the special election: Democrat Ron Dodson and Republican Shawn James.  Dodson will no doubt win in a cakewalk (I’m expecting at least 60%), having the benefits of party affiliation (2000 census numbers put this district at almost majority black, with another 11% Hispanic added in, numbers that have likely increased since then), first ballot listing, and name recognition (he held this seat before retiring and held other elected positions before that).  

However, Dodson sucks.  For starters, at the end of his tenure in the state house, he left the Democratic Party to become an independent.  And his tenure as state representative does not make me feel warm and fuzzy, such as his failing ratings from the Georgia League of Conservation voters and votes in favor of the gay marriage amendment (and against floor amendments by opponents of the bill).  And even in his most recent announcement, he says his big issue is tort reform.

If I lived in the district I’d throw off and allow James to win.  He’ll just lose next year and we’ll get something better, hopefully.

HD-129

Left vacant when Republican Vance Smith resigned to take a seat on the state transportation board, we have no chance here: we didn’t field a candidate.  Even if we had, our guy/woman would have gotten slaughtered in this blood red, white, rural-exurban district that runs from NW Columbus north.  The Republicans fielded four candidates: former State Rep. Earl Davis (who’s seeking to make a comeback after losing over 35 years ago), publications consultant/talk show host Jerry Luquire, businessman and former member of the state licencing board of massage therapists Steve Earles, and Vance Smith’s son businessman Kip Smith.

Pick your poison here.  Luquire rants about maintaining the “Biblical” definition of marriage and denying hate crimes protections for gays, along with calling for taxing lottery ticket sales and being anti-Atlanta.  Earles goes off about “socialist infringements” on his “conservative way of a life,” seemingly calls the entire Atlanta population “unproductive and welfare dependent” (unspoken racism, you think?) and literally says the best way for the state government to ensure better success at handling issues is to cut staff.  Smith goes off on a hardline “no taxes”/”small government” screed, along with ample repetitions of the word “conservative” (makes me think of Sarah Palin and “maverick.”).

I guess that leaves us with Davis, who at least admits government has a use (“To provide those services citizens cannot do themselves – police, courts, parks, education, etc.”) and does accept using the power of the state to force localities to “do what they should have done.”  Plus, at 75, his time and ability (due to not being able to build a lot of seniority) to do damage is much more limited than Earles, who’s 56, or Smith (27).  Luquire is old too (70) but that’s a lot of batshit to take.  I expect a runoff here.  If money and insider support are any indication, Smith should get through.  Davis hasn’t raised money, instead taking out a $20k personal loan while Earles has had a respectable haul for a state representative seat.  Luquire hasn’t filed a report.  Earles has the benefit of being from the largest county in the district (although it isn’t dominant), but I’m thinking (and hoping) he and Luquire will split the wingnut votes.  With little certainty, I’ll say a runoff between Davis and Smith will happen, with Smith probably getting at least 60% of the runoff vote.

HD-141

Like Vance Smith, Democrat Bobby Parham resigned to take a seat on the state transportation board, leaving his seat open.  It consists of all of Baldwin County (Milledgeville) plus a tiny sliver of Putnam County.  That sliver is so minuscule (only about 2% of the electorate) that it is almost meaningless, short of a razor-thin margin in Baldwin (and if that happens, we’ve likely lost as Putnam is really Republican).  

This is a swingy county, with a propensity for being close (55% or less) no matter how big the state margins are, no matter who.  Obama and Bush (both times) narrowly won it.  Max Cleland (2002) and Jim Martin (2008-general and runoff) narrowly won it.  Sonny Perdue won it in his narrow defeat of Roy Barnes, but, despite a huge win state wide in his re-election bid, narrowly lost it.  Zell Miller underperformed there in his 2000 Senate special election.  However, Democrats overperformed there in the 2004 Senate election and the 2006 Lieutenant Governor and Secretary of State open seat elections.  It’s about 42% or so black and is the site of Georgia College of State University.

Four candidates emerged for the special election: Democrat Darrell Black, and independent Rusty Kidd, and Republicans Angela Gheesling-McCommon and Casey Tucker.  Tucker, a recent college grad, is your run-of-the-mill wingnut: a gun nut, a tenther, tax cuts solve everything, government is evil.  Gheesling-McCommon, the executive director of the local development authority, seems like an empty slate of sorts, with no real positions anywhere.  Kidd, a lobbyist, has a good position on stem cell research (I would imagine his being paralyzed from the chest down would give him perspective), but nothing else seems notable one way or another.  Black, a local businessman, has some good positions, calling for green jobs and banning insurance companies from denying coverage due to pre-existing conditions.

If there is a runoff, which I expect, I would expect Black to get through due to his party affiliation (and lack of split) and being first on the ballot, along with either Kidd or Gheesling-McCommon; Tucker just seems too new to this to get farther.  Kidd seems more likely based on his huge fundraising but the lack of party affiliation and lower ballot slot may hurt him.  Hopefully, the Republican flank will be split enough to deny them anything in the runoff.  I’m not sure where Kidd’s support will come from, though.

HD-159

Republican Buddy Carter resigned his seat in the crimson, Northern suburbs of Savannah to run in the special election for SD-01.  Not long after that announcement, former State Rep. Ann Purcell announced her candidacy.  Purcell switched from Democrat to Republican after redistricting but still lost in the primary to Carter, who is now endorsing her!  Some Republicans have objected to the way things have gone down here along with the fact that Purcell used to be a Democrat and have run their own candidate, 25 year-oldJesse Tyler, who has made it known that he’s a “true conservative.”  

Despite that disatisfication, Purcell will have the advantages of name recognition, money, elite support, experience and will probably be the choice of whatever Democrats and moderates that are in the district due to her being a former Democrat and ostensbily less conservative.  I expect at least 60% for her.

SD-01

Republican Eric Johnson resigned his seat to get around fundraising laws preventing him from raising money for his gubernatorial run during legislative sessions.  Two Republicans are in the race: the aforementioned former State Rep. Buddy Carter and former Chatham County Commission Chair Billy Hair.  This does not appear to be another case of Dodson vs. James or Purcell vs. Tyler.  This one looks like it will be competitive.  Still, Carter has a huge money advantage, so I’m expecting him to prevail.

Hair is big on school vouchers and privitization, but he at least says we should fund mental health and trauma care.  Carter is a tort reformer and a no taxes hardliner.   I guess I’d say Hair is the lesser of two evils.

SD-35

Democrat Kasim Reed resigned his seat in South Fulton, South Atlanta, and parts of Eastern Douglas County to run for Mayor of Atlanta.  And the floodgates opened; nine candidates have emerged, all Democrats.  Kezmiche Atterbury, who mentions her work for various non-profits and government positions to increase minority enrollment in medical schools and streamline state children’s healthcare programs, promises to increase school funding (higher teacher pay, more teachers, etc), better funding Grady Hospital and its level 1 trauma care, and increasing mass transit (including expanding MARTA).  Other than mentioning his work on affordable housing and a goal of a clean environment, Benny Crane doesn’t give much information.

Rosie Jackson talks about issues in a roundabout way, emphasizing her advocacy work on eliminating funding disparities between the white, Republican, well-to-do North Fulton and the black, Democratic, poorer areas in South Fulton and providing health clinics to these areas.  Former State Senator Donzella James emphasizes afterschool programs to help prevent crime, better pay and benefits for teachers, and universal healthcare coverage.

Other than decrying cuts to education, Aaron Johnson really doesn’t say a whole lot, other than murky priorities.  Torrey Johnson believes healthcare is a right, promises to work to reduce teacher-student ratios, requiring more notification for impending layoffs, and a six month moratorium on foreclosures.  Attorney Cory Lynch doesn’t say much of any real use (other than increasing teacher pay and tax breaks for teachers).  Demarcus Peters deserves some attention for at least mentioning, among other things, the need to preserve greenspace and increase consumer protections.  Registered nurse George Sneed explicitly states that he would support the/a public option, creating state funding for MARTA, increasing teacher pay, and extending the grace period.

Although counties like Douglas (re: bluing, inner/middle ring suburbs) have Democrats representing parts of their area, those Democrats are always from an inner county like Fulton, Clayton, or DeKalb.  I would like to see that change so we can build a bench in these bluing counties.  The only one that would qualify would be Peters.  However, I am not going to sacrifice issues for geography.  My preferences are Torrey Johnson, Sneed, James, Atterbury, Jackson, Crane, Lynch, and Aaron Johnson, in that order.  It’s hard to gauge a front runner with many candidates having not filed a campaign finance report yet (and those that have haven’t put up anything astonishing).

Georgia Republican Gerrymander

This is the second of my Georgia maps. I've already done a Democratic gerrymander.  In this edition, I tried to think like a Georgia Republican (but failed because I'm not that damn crazy or evil).  With the fate of the VRA seemingly in doubt, I went ahead and discounted it, using only the requirements of contiguousness and equal population and political realities in shaping the districts (because there's no way the Republicans could get a 14-0 Georgia delegation short of epic measures).

 My “goals” for this round were:

  1. To protect John Linder, who's Gwinnett-based district is rapidly diversifying from black, Hispanic, and Asian growth and taking on some liberal whites as well, as seen in long-term trends toward our side.
  2. To ensure the long term (at least to the next round of redistricting) sustainability of the other Republican districts.
  3. To make the new district a Republican district.
  4. To try to eliminate as many Democrats as possible.
  5. To try to avoid primary battles within the Republican Party.
  6. To make the districts look as nice as possible.

I think I achieved these goals with the following districts:


Metro Atlanta:Metro

The major non-Atlanta regional population centers (Athens, Augusta, Columbus, Macon, and Savannah) all get a district to themselves and their surrounding areas, intact, without sharing with another major city.

1st District (Jack Kingston [R] vs. John Barrow [D]) BLUE
New Demographics: 63% white | 29% black | 0% Native American | 1% Asian | 4% Hispanic | 1% Other
Old Demographics: % white | % black | % Native American | % Asian | % Hispanic | % Other
Old District: 72.6% white | 22.7% black | .3% Native American | .9% Asian | 4.1% Hispanic | .2% other

The first of the Republican pickups comes in coastal Georgia.  Chatham County (Savannah) is made whole, putting Jack Kingston and John Barrow in the same district.  Kingston has a decided advantage here.  Of the seventeen counties in the new district, Barrow represents only three, one of which is a major thorn in his side.  He loses his secondary base in the Augusta area and picks up several rural/exurban, white, and VERY Republican counties.  Kingston, on the other hand, has much of his old district intact.  Barrow has struggled before in a far more minority, far more Democratic district.  His ability to survive here is very much in doubt.  His only saving grace would be his fundraising prowress.

2nd District (Sanford Bishop [D]) GREEN
New Demographics: 56% white | 35% black | 0% Native American | 0% Asian | 5% Hispanic | 0% Other
Old Demographics: % white | % black | % Native American | % Asian | % Hispanic | % Other
Old District: 51.4% white | 44.8% black | .3% Native American | .6% Asian | 3.5% Hispanic | .1% other

With the 2nd, I essentially pushed the district over, cutting Bishop off from his secondary base in the Columbus area and instead moving the district east, taking up large swarths of white, Republican, rural areas.  While we're used to Bishop winning easily, he has had trouble in less Democratic districts.  And not only does the change in direction (from the Georgia-Florida-Alabama border east instead of from the Florida border to Columbus) make the district more Republican but it also, as would be expected, makes for a larger Republican bench and a smaller Democratic bench, increasing the chances of a higher tier Republican emerging while decreasing the chances of a higher tier Democrat emerging when Bishop hangs it up (or gets defeated).

3rd District (Lynn Westmoreland [R]) PLUM
New Demographics: % white | % black | % Native American | % Asian | % Hispanic | % Other
Old Demographics: % white | % black | % Native American | % Asian | % Hispanic | % Other
Old District: 72.6% white | 22.7% black | .3% Native American | .9% Asian | 4.1% Hispanic | .2% other

4th District (Hank Johnson [D]) RED
New Demographics: % white | % black | % Native American | % Asian | % Hispanic | % Other
Old Demographics: % white | % black | % Native American | % Asian | % Hispanic | % Other
Old District: 35.8% white | 53.5% black | .4% Native American | 4.3% Asian | 8.5% Hispanic | 0% other

5th District (John Lewis [D]) YELLOW
New Demographics: % white | % black | % Native American | % Asian | % Hispanic | % Other
Old Demographics: % white | % black | % Native American | % Asian | % Hispanic | % Other
Old District: 37% white | 56.1% black | .2% Native American | 2.2% Asian | 6.1% Hispanic | 0% other

6th District (Tom Price [R]) TEAL
New Demographics: % white | % black | % Native American | % Asian | % Hispanic | % Other
Old Demographics: % white | % black | % Native American | % Asian | % Hispanic | % Other
Old District: 85.6% white | 7% black | .2% Native American | 4% Asian | 4.5% Hispanic | .1% other

The loss of parts of North Fulton and Cherokee to sure up Linder next door and the fact that some parts of the district are shaky (North DeKalb and Sandy Springs) necesitated moving the 6th down into the white, Republican parts of Atlanta on the northside.  Short of something major, Price should be okay

7th District (John Linder [R]) GRAY
New Demographics: % white | % black | % Native American | % Asian | % Hispanic | % Other
Old Demographics: % white | % black | % Native American | % Asian | % Hispanic | % Other
Old District: 72.6% white | 22.7% black | .3% Native American | .9% Asian | 4.1% Hispanic | .2% other

8th District (Jim Marshall [D]) PERIWINKLE
New Demographics: % white | % black | % Native American | % Asian | % Hispanic | % Other
Old Demographics: % white | % black | % Native American | % Asian | % Hispanic | % Other
Old District: 72.6% white | 22.7% black | .3% Native American | .9% Asian | 4.1% Hispanic | .2% other

9th District (Open [R-held]) CYAN
New Demographics: % white | % black | % Native American | % Asian | % Hispanic | % Other
Old Demographics: 84% white | 4% black | 0% Native American | 0% Asian | 9% Hispanic | 0% Other
Old District: 82.5% white | 13.7% black | .3% Native American | 1.2% Asian | 2.6% Hispanic | .1% other

In the four maps I've made for Georgia, I always have trouble with the Nineth because we don't yet know who's going to be the Congressman.  The map I made tries to put the all of the potential candiates into the district (sans State Rep. Bobby Reese, who entered after I made this map and who doesn't lIVe in the current district anyways).  The new district has the same general shape but sheds all of Forsyth, Lumpkin, Union, White Counties, as well as about 45% of Hall County (done to keep the Tenth from getting too mishapen.  In return, it gains all of Chattooga County, the parts of Gordon County originally in the Eleventh, and the Northern parts of Bartow and Floyd Counties.  In sum, it becomes more rural. 

10th District (Paul Broun [R]) HOT PINK
New Demographics: % white | % black | % Native American | % Asian | % Hispanic | % Other
Old Demographics: % white | % black | % Native American | % Asian | % Hispanic | % Other
Old District: 72.6% white | 22.7% black | .3% Native American | .9% Asian | 4.1% Hispanic | .2% other

11th District (Phil Gingrey [R]) ACID GREEN
New Demographics: 73% white | 15% black | 0% Native American | 1% Asian | 7% Hispanic | 1% Other
Old Demographics: % white | % black | % Native American | % Asian | % Hispanic | % Other
Old District: 72.6% white | 22.7% black | .3% Native American | .9% Asian | 4.1% Hispanic | .2% other

Not a huge change in shape, the 11th compacts somewhat and shifts south a bit, shedding Chattooga, its parts of Gordon, and the Northern halves of Floyd and Bartow in return for picking up the southern half of Carroll and the western half of Douglas.  In sum, it becomes more suburban.  Unfortunately, these are not the suburbs that are trending our way at any speed (or at all). 

12th District (NEW SEAT) POWDER BLUE
New Demographics: 58% white | 35% black | 0% Native American | 1% Asian | 3% Hispanic | 1% Other
Old Demographics: % white | % black | % Native American | % Asian | % Hispanic | % Other
Old District: 72.6% white | 22.7% black | .3% Native American | .9% Asian | 4.1% Hispanic | .2% other

With John Barrow set to lose in the new 1st and Paul Broun getting an Athens-Northeast Georgia district, Republicans can placate the Augusta-area Republicans.  While including Augusta-Richmond County and other small blue and purple counties (e.g. Burke, Screven), they're more than outweighed by the the red areas in the Atlanta exurbs, Northeast Georgia, etc.  And even if Barrow decides to run here instead, he'll still have a district stacked against him racially (he's had trouble in far less white districts AND will be carpetbagging for the second time in four cycles.

13th District (David Scott [D]) SALMON
New Demographics: 34% white | 49% black | 0% Native American | 3% Asian | 11% Hispanic | 2% Other
Old Demographics: % white | % black | % Native American | % Asian | % Hispanic | % Other
Old District: 72.6% white | 22.7% black | .3% Native American | .9% Asian | 4.1% Hispanic | .2% other

Due to population increases, the 13th loses its territory in DeKalb and Henry, but remains mostly the same otherwise.  It falls just short of being majority-black.  So, it would take just a little reshuffling to get it to that point if the Republicans end up getting smacked for diluting black voting strenght elsewhere (or feel the need to shore up other districts).  Scott will be safe.

14th District (NEW SEAT) OLIVE
New Demographics: % white | % black | % Native American | % Asian | % Hispanic | % Other
Old Demographics: % white | % black | % Native American | % Asian | % Hispanic | % Other
Old District: 72.6% white | 22.7% black | .3% Native American | .9% Asian | 4.1% Hispanic | .2% other

Although unintended, this district bears a strong resemblance to John Douglas' state senate district.

I think a lesson to take from this is that ostensible communities of interest and clean lines making geometric districts can really fuck us over and an unwillingness to cross political and geographic boundaries can really kill us.

By what margin will Bob Shamansky win?

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Georgia Republican Gerrymander

This is the second of my Georgia maps. I've already done a Democratic gerrymander.  In this edition, I tried to think like a Georgia Republican (but failed because I'm not that damn crazy or evil).  With the fate of the VRA seemingly in doubt, I went ahead and discounted it, using only the requirements of contiguousness and equal population and political realities in shaping the districts (because there's no way the Republicans could get a 14-0 Georgia delegation short of epic measures).

 My “goals” for this round were:

  1. To protect John Linder, who's Gwinnett-based district is rapidly diversifying from black, Hispanic, and Asian growth and taking on some liberal whites as well, as seen in long-term trends toward our side.
  2. To ensure the long term (at least to the next round of redistricting) sustainability of the other Republican districts.
  3. To make the new district a Republican district.
  4. To try to eliminate as many Democrats as possible.
  5. To try to avoid primary battles within the Republican Party.
  6. To make the districts look as nice as possible.

I think I achieved these goals with the following districts:


Metro Atlanta:Metro

The major non-Atlanta regional population centers (Athens, Augusta, Columbus, Macon, and Savannah) all get a district to themselves and their surrounding areas, intact, without sharing with another major city.

1st District (Jack Kingston [R] vs. John Barrow [D]) BLUE
New Demographics: % white | % black | % Native American | % Asian | % Hispanic | % Other
Old Demographics: % white | % black | % Native American | % Asian | % Hispanic | % Other
Old District: 72.6% white | 22.7% black | .3% Native American | .9% Asian | 4.1% Hispanic | .2% other

The first of the Republican pickups comes in coastal Georgia.  Chatham County (Savannah) is made whole, putting Jack Kingston and John Barrow in the same district.  Kingston has a decided advantage here.  Of the seventeen counties in the new district, Barrow represents only three, one of which is a major thorn in his side.  He loses his secondary base in the Augusta area and picks up several rural/exurban, white, and VERY Republican counties.  Kingston, on the other hand, has much of his old district intact.  Barrow has struggled before in a far more minority, far more Democratic district.  His ability to survive here is very much in doubt.  His only saving grace would be his fundraising prowress.

2nd District (Sanford Bishop [D]) GREEN
New Demographics: % white | % black | % Native American | % Asian | % Hispanic | % Other
Old Demographics: % white | % black | % Native American | % Asian | % Hispanic | % Other
Old District: 51.4% white | 44.8% black | .3% Native American | .6% Asian | 3.5% Hispanic | .1% other

With the 2nd, I essentially pushed the district over, cutting Bishop off from his secondary base in the Columbus area and instead moving the district east, taking up large swarths of white, Republican, rural areas.

3rd District (Lynn Westmoreland [R]) PLUM
New Demographics: % white | % black | % Native American | % Asian | % Hispanic | % Other
Old Demographics: % white | % black | % Native American | % Asian | % Hispanic | % Other
Old District: 72.6% white | 22.7% black | .3% Native American | .9% Asian | 4.1% Hispanic | .2% other

4th District (Hank Johnson [D]) RED
New Demographics: % white | % black | % Native American | % Asian | % Hispanic | % Other
Old Demographics: % white | % black | % Native American | % Asian | % Hispanic | % Other
Old District: 35.8% white | 53.5% black | .4% Native American | 4.3% Asian | 8.5% Hispanic | 0% other

5th District (John Lewis [D]) YELLOW
New Demographics: % white | % black | % Native American | % Asian | % Hispanic | % Other
Old Demographics: % white | % black | % Native American | % Asian | % Hispanic | % Other
Old District: 37% white | 56.1% black | .2% Native American | 2.2% Asian | 6.1% Hispanic | 0% other

6th District (Tom Price [R]) TEAL
New Demographics: % white | % black | % Native American | % Asian | % Hispanic | % Other
Old Demographics: % white | % black | % Native American | % Asian | % Hispanic | % Other
Old District: 85.6% white | 7% black | .2% Native American | 4% Asian | 4.5% Hispanic | .1% other

The loss of parts of North Fulton and Cherokee to sure up Linder next door and the fact that some parts of the district are shaky (North DeKalb and Sandy Springs) necesitated moving the 6th down into the white, Republican parts of Atlanta on the northside.  Short of something major, Price should be okay

7th District (John Linder [R]) GRAY
New Demographics: % white | % black | % Native American | % Asian | % Hispanic | % Other
Old Demographics: % white | % black | % Native American | % Asian | % Hispanic | % Other
Old District: 72.6% white | 22.7% black | .3% Native American | .9% Asian | 4.1% Hispanic | .2% other

8th District (Jim Martin [D]) PERIWINKLE
New Demographics: % white | % black | % Native American | % Asian | % Hispanic | % Other
Old Demographics: % white | % black | % Native American | % Asian | % Hispanic | % Other
Old District: 72.6% white | 22.7% black | .3% Native American | .9% Asian | 4.1% Hispanic | .2% other

9th District (Open [R-held]) CYAN
New Demographics: % white | % black | % Native American | % Asian | % Hispanic | % Other
Old Demographics: 84% white | 4% black | 0% Native American | 0% Asian | 9% Hispanic | 0% Other
Old District: 82.5% white | 13.7% black | .3% Native American | 1.2% Asian | 2.6% Hispanic | .1% other

In the four maps I've made for Georgia, I always have trouble with the Nineth because we don't yet know who's going to be the Congressman.  The map I made tries to put the all of the potential candiates into the district (sans State Rep. Bobby Reese, who entered after I made this map and who doesn't lIVe in the current district anyways).  The new district has the same general shape but sheds all of Forsyth, Lumpkin, Union, White Counties, as well as about 45% of Hall County (done to keep the Tenth from getting too mishapen.  In return, it gains all of Chattooga County, the parts of Gordon County originally in the Eleventh, and the Northern parts of Bartow and Floyd Counties.  In sum, it becomes more rural. 

10th District (Paul Broun [R]) HOT PINK
New Demographics: % white | % black | % Native American | % Asian | % Hispanic | % Other
Old Demographics: % white | % black | % Native American | % Asian | % Hispanic | % Other
Old District: 72.6% white | 22.7% black | .3% Native American | .9% Asian | 4.1% Hispanic | .2% other

11th District (Phil Gingrey [R]) ACID GREEN
New Demographics: % white | % black | % Native American | % Asian | % Hispanic | % Other
Old Demographics: % white | % black | % Native American | % Asian | % Hispanic | % Other
Old District: 72.6% white | 22.7% black | .3% Native American | .9% Asian | 4.1% Hispanic | .2% other

12th District (NEW SEAT) POWDER BLUE
New Demographics: % white | % black | % Native American | % Asian | % Hispanic | % Other
Old Demographics: % white | % black | % Native American | % Asian | % Hispanic | % Other
Old District: 72.6% white | 22.7% black | .3% Native American | .9% Asian | 4.1% Hispanic | .2% other

13th District (David Scott [D]) SALMON
New Demographics: % white | % black | % Native American | % Asian | % Hispanic | % Other
Old Demographics: % white | % black | % Native American | % Asian | % Hispanic | % Other
Old District: 72.6% white | 22.7% black | .3% Native American | .9% Asian | 4.1% Hispanic | .2% other

14th District (NEW SEAT) OLIVE
New Demographics: % white | % black | % Native American | % Asian | % Hispanic | % Other
Old Demographics: % white | % black | % Native American | % Asian | % Hispanic | % Other
Old District: 72.6% white | 22.7% black | .3% Native American | .9% Asian | 4.1% Hispanic | .2% other

I think a lesson to take from this is that ostensible communities of interest and clean lines making geometric districts can really fuck us over and an unwillingness to cross political and geographic boundaries can really kill us.

Comment

To start, your Barrow numbers are wrong.  He (mis)represents a blue district; you must have him mixed up with another Georgia politician, Paul Broun perhaps.  So, look at those votes again with that in mind.  Look specifically at his anti-energy bill vote and notice just how close his district is to the coast and see how long you scratch your head.  Then, look at his PAC donations for this year.  Lot’s of energy money.

I also feel the need to answer some things said here and elsewhere in defense of the Blue Dogs.

1. I’ve seen the line that there are more conservatives brought up at least twice here.  First, the plurality of the electorate is self-identified moderates.  Add liberals, and you get 66%, leaving conservatives at just 34%.  Second, that’s self-identified conservatives.  After decades of “liberal” being a dirty word, of course fewer are going to self-identify as such.

2. A lot of people have convinced themselves

3. I’ve also seen a

I say primary them all.  Nineteen Blue Dogs come from Obama districts.  Another seven or so come from only marginal McCain districts, making claims of some huge Republican tide seem far-fetched.  And if we’re not going to get  

Georgia Republican Gerrymander

The major non-Atlanta regional population centers (Athens, Augusta, Columbus, Macon, and Savannah) all get a district to themselves and their surrounding areas, intact, without sharing with another major city.

I think a lesson to take from this is that ostensbile communities of interest and clean lines making geometric districts can really fuck us over and an unwillingness to cross political and geographic boundaries can really kill us.

Trying My Hand at Redistricting: Georgia Democratic Gerrymander Using DRA

My goals going into this were:

1.) To make sure the new district elects a Democrat.
2.) To shore up the three Central/Southern Georgia Democrats (especially Marshall and Barrow), not only for the incumbents but also Democrats in general if and when those seats come open.
3.) To create or expand our bench in our districts.
4.) To fuck with Phil Gingrey and John Linder to the best of my ability.
5.) To try my best not create an ode to the Flying Spaghetti Monster. 

To that end, I think I accomplished these goals.  My maps:



Atlanta Metro Area

1st District (Jack Kingston [R]) BLUE
New Demographics: 71.3% white | 20.8% black | .3% Native American | 1.1% Asian | 5.4% Hispanic | .1% other
Old Demographics: 72.8% white | 21.2% black | .2% Native American | .9% Asian | 3.9% Hispanic | 1% other
Old District: 72.6% white | 22.7% black | .3% Native American | .9% Asian | 4.1% Hispanic | .2% other
I used this as a dumping ground for Republican votes from the 8th and 12th districts while trying to remove Democratic areas for use in those districts.  Kingston gains several Republican counties to the north from the 12th, including much of Effingham County exchange for heavily Democratic Liberty County, some black(er) areas in McIntosh County as well as connectors in Chatham County.  He also picks up much of heavily Republican Laurens County as well as other parts from the 8th.  Surprisingly, the district gets a bit more diverse (and even more surprisingly, from Asians, Hispanics, and Native Americans), but don't hold your breath; it's a very small increase.  Kingston will win in a cakewalk; our bench in the district is non-existent, at least at the state legislature-level.

2nd District (Sanford Bishop [D]) GREEN
New Demographics: 48.4% white | 45.2% black | .3% Native American | .8% Asian | 4.3% Hispanic | 1% other
Old Demographics: 49.7% white | 45.1% black | .3% Native American | .6% Asian | 3.3% Hispanic | .9% other
Old District: 51.4% white | 44.8% black | .3% Native American | .6% Asian | 3.5% Hispanic | .1% other
With some minor scandal involving Bishop and rumors of an adminstration post, I felt the need to shore up his district a bit, considering Bush won it in 2004.  Population loss/stagnation and losses of area to the 8th necessitated moving the district northward, taking up more of Columbus, as well as extending up to take on the swingy Meriwether County plus the heavily black parts of Troup County in and around LaGrange.  Essentially, I added state Rep. Carl von Epps' district.  This also helped offset the addition of very Republican Colquitt County.  The district goes from majority white to plurality white and is trending even more minority.  Bishop should have no trouble and his successor should be in a relatively good position. 

3rd District (Lynn Westmoreland [R]) PLUM
New Demographics: 71.3% white | 20.8% black | .3% Native American | 1.1% Asian | 5.4% Hispanic | .1% other
Old Demographics: 79% white | 16.6% black | .3% Native American | 1.1% Asian | 2% Hispanic | 1% other
Old District: 72.6% white | 22.7% black | .3% Native American | .9% Asian | 4.1% Hispanic | .2% other
The 3rd loses more of Muscogee County /Columbus to the 2nd and some of its Metro Atlanta area but now goes to the Macon area, making it more of a Central Georgia district.  Other than the peninsulas from the 2nd district, it's actually more compact than before. This area has diversified at a pretty good clip, but even running 80 MPH takes a long time when you're driving from New York to Los Angeles.  Plus, it's still demographically very similar to Westmoreland's old district.  Looks like we would have to deal with his “uppity” ass for a while.

4th District (Hank Johnson [D]) RED
New Demographics: 29.9% white | 53.4% black | .2% Native American | 4.3% Asian | 10.8% Hispanic | 1.2% other
Old Demographics: 31.3% white | 54.3% black | .2% Native American | 4.1% Asian | 8.1% Hispanic | 2% other
Old District: 35.8% white | 53.5% black | .4% Native American | 4.3% Asian | 8.5% Hispanic | 0% other
I undid the horrendous four-way cracking of DeKalb, replacing it with a two-way split.  The fourth occupies the overwhelming majority of DeKalb, having been moved completely out of Gwinnett and Rockdale Counties and absorbing DeKalb areas from the 5th, 6th, and 13th.  Even though North DeKalb is pretty white, the additions from Central and South DeKalb more than make up for it.  The district gets a little less black but even more minority than before.  Hank Johnson will win easily.

5th District (John Lewis [D]) YELLOW
New Demographics: 29.9% white | 57.9% black | .2% Native American | 2.8% Asian | 8.2% Hispanic | 1% other
Old Demographics: 31.2% | 59.6% black | .2% Native American | 2% Asian | 5.7% Hispanic | 1.3% other
Old District: 37% white | 56.1% black | .2% Native American | 2.2% Asian | 6.1% Hispanic | 0% other

Pretty similar to its current form, especially in Clayton and Fulton Counties.  It's still an Atlanta plus some inner-ring suburbs districts, taking in slighly less of Forest Park and South Fulton but a bit more of unincorporated Clayton and a bit more of Sandy Springs.  The big difference is it being reducing to about 45% of it's DeKalb area, including its portion of Decatur, and is basically left with the DeKalb portion of Atlanta plus some areas northeast of this area.  John Lewis has nothing to worry about.

6th District (Tom Price [R] vs. Phil Gingrey [R]) TEAL
New Demographics: 75.3% white | 9% black | .3% Native American | 6.3% Asian | 7.7% Hispanic | 1.5% other
Old Demographics: 80.6% white | 7.9% black | .2% Native American | 4.3% Asian | 5.1% Hispanic | 1.8% other
Old District: 85.6% white | 7% black | .2% Native American | 4% Asian | 4.5% Hispanic | .1% other
This is one of my “fuck with the Republicans” districts.  Like before, the district includes white, affluent, Republican North Fulton County (including Tom Price's home) and East Cobb (likewise white, affluent, and Republican).  However, instead of going east to take up North DeKalb County and north to pick up Cherokee County, it goes west to take up the northern half of Cobb County.  In the general election, this doesn't mean anything; it's still a heavily white, Republican district in which we have no bench (although there is some diversification and it now includes a major state university).  However, the district now includes Phil Gingrey's home between Kennesaw and Marietta!

7th District (John Linder [R] vs. ?) GRAY
New Demographics: 68.1% white | 10.8% black | .3% Native American | 6.1% Asian | 13.5% Hispanic | 1.2% other
Old Demographics: 79% white | 6.8% black | .2% Native American | 3.9% Asian | 8.7% Hispanic | 1.3% other
Old District: 85.2% white | 7.1% black | .3% Native American | 3.8% Asian | 5.4% Hispanic | .1% other

Same thing with as with the 6th.  Linder loses more of the diverse areas of Gwinnett County to the 14th, as well as the Newton, Walton, and Barrow County portions.  In return, he gains almost all of Forsyth County and the Southern half of Hall County.  Depending on who wins the Republican primary in the current 9th district, this may set up a primary in this new 7th.  Regardless, this will be a Republican seat for the foreseeable future.  However, it's rapidly diversifying with every minority group taking up a larger share than before.  I think Linder's days are numbered.  It may be a fairly big number, but numbered all the same.

8th District (Jim Marshall [D]) PERIWINKLE
New Demographics: 54.2% white | 40% black | .2% Native American | 1.1% Asian | 3.6% Hispanic | 1% other
Old Demographics: 55.6% white | 39.8% black | .2% Native American | .8% Asian | 2.6% Hispanic | 1% other
Old District: 64% white | 32.6% black | .2% Native American | .8% Asian | 2.8% Hispanic | 1.4% other
Basically, I shifted the district southward and worked to make sure it was more favorable on a presidential level in anticipation of Marshall's eventual departure for higher office.  So, this meant I had to cut almost all of Laurens County out of the district.  Marshall won it big, but Obama lost it big, and Marshall performed less strikingly there in the past.  I regrettably had to remove Dem-trending Newton County from the district, but the benefit from having it in the district was outweighed by the cost of having four heavily Republican counties in the district to connect Newton to the rest of the district, especially considering Marshall only barely won Newton and lost it in 2006.  While I was at it, I also cut out the whiter parts of Bibb County.  I also removed the troublesome Colquitt County, home of Saxby Chambliss and added a few blue and purple counties along the boomerang.  I also shifted down to add Valdosta, thus increasing our bench as all four members of the state legislature from this area are Democrats.  I would have liked to have removed the more Republican parts of Houston County, but I don't know where I'd make up the lost population, but, overall, I think I made Marshall's life much easier, as the district has gotten significantly more diverse and more Democratic. Maybe he can suck less.

9th District (?) CYAN
New Demographics: 85.2% white | 3% black | .3% Native American | .8% Asian | 10% Hispanic | .8% other
Old Demographics: 89.9% white | 2.6% black | .3% Native American | .6% Asian | 6.6% Hispanic | .9% other
Old District: 82.5% white | 13.7% black | .3% Native American | 1.2% Asian | 2.6% Hispanic | .1% other
I made this district more rectangular, removing the parts that dip into the Metro Atlanta area (for the past part), giving it Chattooga and the rest of Gordon Counties, and stretching it all the way to the South Carolina border.  So, now it borders four different states.  I don't know who it will be, but this district will elect a Republican.  We have no bench whatsoever, and this would be the whitest district in Georgia.  Not only is it the whitest district, but, despite some diversification, it's also the least diverse; the majority black districts are more diverse. 

10th District (Paul Broun [R]) HOT PINK
New Demographics: 77% white | 16.3% black | .2% Native American | 1.7% Asian | 3.7% Hispanic | 1.1% other
Old Demographics: 79.9% white | 15.4% black | .2% Native American | 1.3% Asian | 2% Hispanic | 1.1% other
Old District: 89.7% white | 3.4% black | .3% Native American | .7% Asian | 9.2% Hispanic | .3% other

Other than having the tentacle from the 12th come in, the new 10th actually has a pretty regular, compact shape compared to its predecessor.  It still has a lot of its area along the South Carolina border, including the white, Republican suburbs of Augusta, but now includes parts of the Atlanta and Macon exurbs.  It's actually ten points less white than before, but means it's now only 77% white.  In other words, don't expect Broun to go anywhere, unless he gets primaried, which may happen now that a lot of his Athens primary base is gone.

11th District (New Seat) [This would be my district, by the way] NEON GREEN
New Demographics: 79.5% white | 11% black | .3% Native American | 1.3% Asian | 6.8% Hispanic | 1.2% other
Old Demographics: 86.1% white | 7.8% black | .2% Native American | .9% Asian | 3.9% Hispanic | 1.1% other
Old District: 64.8% white | 28.5% black | .3% Native American | 1.3% Asian | 7.2% Hispanic | .1% other
The new 11th looks a lot like the old 11th but becomes more exurban and suburban.  It sheds Chattooga County and its portions of Cobb and Gordon Counties for East Douglas County , a sliver of Forsyth County, and Cherokee County.  I fear I may be switching one wingnut for another in redistricting Gingrey out of his district.  We only have one state legislator in the district and he would be an idiot to try for it.  This is a demographically unfriendly district, although there may be some solace to tke from its diversification.  Still, there's a long way to go before this one's demographics are promising.

12th District (John Barrow [D]) POWDER BLUE
New Demographics: 47.4% white | 45.8% black | .2% Native American | 1.6% Asian | 4.2% Hispanic | 1.2% other
Old Demographics: 47.5% white | 44.3% black | .2% Native American | 1.4% Asian | 3.2% Hispanic | 1.3% other
Old District: 50.8% white | 44.5% black | .2% Native American | .8% Asian | 2.7% Hispanic | .1% other
I removed all or parts of some troublesome majority white, Republican counties (Bulloch, Candler, Effingham, Emmanuel, Mongtomgery, Tattnall, Treutlen, and Toombs) leaving only the areas that were more minority and/or necessary to maintain contiguousness.  In their place, I added heavily Democratic Liberty County by wrapping the district around the coastal areas of Chatham County and using water continguousness.  On the northside, I added some more of Augusta, the blacker parts of Green, and readded Clark County,  The district gets a little blacker and a lot of the old, rural white voters are replace with white voters in a college county more apt to not only vote Democratic but to vote for a black Democrat if and when Barrow gets primaried by a black Democrat.  In becoming more Democratic, I was able to free up some smaller counties along the boomerang for Jim Marshall.

13th District (David Scott [D]) SALMON
New Demographics: 36% white | 46.6% black | .3% Native American | 3% Asian | 12.6% Hispanic | 1.6% other
Old Demographics: 47.1% white | 39.6% black | .3% Native American | 2.4% Asian | 8.6% Hispanic | 2% other
Old District: 47% white | 44.1% black | .3% Native American | 5.1% Asian | 10.1% Hispanic | .1% other
The 13th stays the same mostly.  I removed some of Northeast Clayton County and added more of Central Cobb.  I also added some of the relatively more minority areas of North Fayette.  Overall, Scott's district, once plurality white, is now plurality black.  He'll do fine.

14th District (New District) OLIVE
New Demographics: 36.1% white | 36.4% black | .2% Native American | 7.7% Asian | 18.1% Hispanic | 1.5% other
Old Demographics: 54.7% white | 24.4% black | .2% Native American | 6.4% Asian | 12.3% Hispanic | 1.9% other

Last and certainly not least is the new 14th district.  This district wraps around the southeastern quadrant of the middle ring suburbs, taking in the blue and blueing areas, including Morrow, Stockbridge, McDonough, Conyers, Covington, Norcross, Lilburn, and Lawrenceville.  It would be by far Georgia's most diverse district, having the highest numbers of Asians and Hispanics, the second-highest number of “others,” is plurality black, and still has a respectable white population.  As you can see from the demographic trends, this one is getting even more diverse really quick.  This diversity is reflected in the state legislators whose districts are entirely or partially within the district which includes whites, blacks, and Hispanics.  If it doesn't elect a Democrat, then the Democratic Party has fucked up.

 

It's also interesting to look at the districts with the old numbers and see which areas are growing and which areas are stagnant or losing populations by seeing how under or over populated they are compared to the 2000-14 district average.  Judging from the numbers, the Southern and Central Georgia are rapidly atrophying.  The 2nd would have had 90,888 extra people!  The 1st would have 40,693, the 8th 55,570, and the 12th 67,639.  The third is pretty much stagnant, having just 2,366 extra people.  If this keeps up, I think we may be looking at the elimination of a district in Middle and South Georgia, and I think it would be a Democrat (my guess would be Marshall's district because of its centrality.

So, where are the people going?  To Metro Atlanta.  The 10th is 15,007 below average, much/most of which I suspect to be from the Metro portions of the district. The 5th is 22,014 under the average.  The 13th 26,921 under.  The 11th and 7th are under by over 60,000, 63,039 and 62,317, respectively.  The 14th is a whopping 120,767 under average.  Only the 4th and 6th are above average, to the tune of 36,782 and 11,235, respectively.